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On James Baldwin and the Many Roles in Revolution
Nicholas Binford

Artists, scholars, and popular media often describe James Baldwin as revolutionary, either for his written work or for his role in the civil rights movement. But what does it mean to be revolutionary? This article contends that thoughtlessly calling James Baldwin revolutionary obscures and erases the non-revolutionary strategies and approaches he employed in his contributions to the civil rights movement and to race relations as a whole. Frequent use of revolutionary as a synonym for “great” or “important” creates an association suggesting that all good things must be revolutionary, and that anything not revolutionary is insufficient, effectively erasing an entire spectrum of social and political engagement from view. Baldwin’s increasing relevance to our contemporary moment suggests that his non-revolutionary tactics are just as important as the revolutionary approaches employed by civil rights leaders such as Malcolm X or Martin Luther King, Jr.

James Baldwin Review
James Baldwin’s 1968
Ed Pavlić

This article delves into James Baldwin’s work and experience in the pivotal year 1968. Working with archival materials and granular contexts that are still not a full part of our understanding of Baldwin’s story, this article paints a fuller and more nuanced portrait of Baldwin’s position astraddle cultural cross-currents that were in volatile and often violent relationship to each other and at times to themselves. The “sixties” were ending in flames as Baldwin had forecast at the outset of the decade. Baldwin was based in California, often in transit to New York and London, working in ways that were at once high-profile and underground—to the extent that we’re only now seeing real evidence of some of these conversations. The result is a fuller account of how Baldwin developed and deployed his gifts with risk-taking generosity and intergenerational brilliance during one of the most volatile years of the twentieth century in the United States and beyond.

James Baldwin Review
An Interview with Raoul Peck
Leah Mirakhor

I Am Not Your Negro (2016) takes its direction from the notes for a book entitled “Remember this House” that James Baldwin left unfinished, a book about his three friends—Medgar Evers, Malcolm X, and Martin Luther King Jr.— their murders, and their intertwining legacies. The film examines the prophetic shadow Baldwin’s work casts on twentieth- and twenty-first-century American politics and culture. Peck compiles archival material from Baldwin’s interviews on The Dick Cavett Show, his 1965 Cambridge lecture, and a series of banal images indexing the American dream. Juxtaposed against this mythology is footage of Dorothy Counts walking to school, the assassination of black leaders and activists, KKK rallies, and the different formations of the contemporary carceral state. Our conversation examines Peck’s role as a filmmaker and his relationship with the Baldwin estate. Additionally, we discussed a series of aesthetic choices he fought to include in the film’s final cut, directing Samuel L. Jackson as the voice for the film, the similarities and shifts he wanted to document in American culture since the 1960s, and some of the criticism he has received for not emphasizing more Baldwin’s sexuality.

James Baldwin Review
An American perspective
Mary Woolley

15 Let freedom ring for science: an American perspective Mary Woolley Dr Martin Luther King’s immortal phrase ‘let freedom ring’ is as thrilling today as it was when he first uttered it in 1963. Now, nearly half a century since the 1968 assassination of one of the most revered civil rights and moral leaders of our time, we celebrate Dr King’s words as a touchstone and inspiration. With the famous march on Washington in 1963, Dr King attempted something extraordinary and the impact was enormous, driving social change and making an enduring difference in our

in The freedom of scientific research
Open Access (free)
Civil rites of passage
Sharon Monteith

), for example. But these films, like Spike Lee’s Malcolm X (1992) and A Huey P. Newton Story (2001), fall outside of the broad (predominantly white) mainstream cinematic tradition. More usually, black activists (CORE and SNCC) and protagonists (Medgar Evers, Martin Luther King Jr.) have been caught in an epistemological drift, their stories dispersed and scattered through narratives in which white

in Memory and popular film
Open Access (free)
Ingmar Bergman, Henrik Ibsen, and television
Michael Tapper

tinged with reflections on the murder of Martin Luther King, Jr., which affected Bergman deeply. 25 King’s murder became a point of reference in the film, a sobering contrast to the ‘tragicomedy of banality’ presented by the mundane existential and marital problems of the wealthy protagonists. At the same time, this reference serves to remind the main characters of the real world they seek to shut out, just as they repress their true feelings about each other and about the family life they lead. From the prologue, we

in Ingmar Bergman
Reflections on contemporary anarchism, anti-capitalism and the international scene
Karen Goaman

sea to challenge the British monopoly on salt to Martin Luther King’s 1965 pilgrimage to demand voting rights for African Americans. When tens of thousands of people journeyed to Seattle to protest against the injustice of the WTO, these modern pilgrims were drawn to a place that momentarily intersected with history and challenged its crushing inevitability. The urgency of this journey came from a deep intuition that the great web of violence in which we are caught today is run by large economic and political forces, and that the instructions for this ‘web design

in Changing anarchism
Open Access (free)
Francisco E. González
and
Desmond King

2000; Klinkner and Smith 1998; Kryder 2000; Layton 2000; Plummer 1996; Von Eschen 1997). The main object of this scrutiny was the United States’ egregious treatment of African Americans and other minorities. (Already in 1919, Woodrow Wilson’s articulation of his 14-point programme for a new world order was challenged by Black Americans setting out their 14-point programme for the achievement of democracy at home (Rosenberg 1999).) Writing from jail in Birmingham, Alabama in 1963, Martin Luther King Jr. angrily declared: ‘we have waited for more than 340 years for our

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
Ian Scott
and
Henry Thompson

 York Times in December 1991, were interspersed with entries about Julian Assange and endorsement of Robert Greenwald’s 2012 documentary, Koch Brothers Exposed. In 2014, Stone continued to use the site to talk about his own work, including the difficulties he had experienced trying to bring a rendering of Martin Luther King’s life to the screen. However, he also sought to draw attention to what he saw as failed media coverage of a range of issues, including US complicity in the killings in Indonesia in the 1960s –​a topic aired in Joshua Oppenheimer’s C on c l u sio n

in The cinema of Oliver Stone
Volker M. Heins

and dimensions of mutual recognition can be demonstrated by exploring the case of the civil rights and black liberation movement in the United States after the Second World War. The two figures of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X epitomize two different strategies of connecting experiences of disenfranchisement, feelings of shame, and collective protest and self

in Recognition and Global Politics