The impossibility of reason
Author: Mads Qvortrup

This book presents an overview of Jean–Jacques Rousseau's work from a political science perspective. Was Rousseau — the great theorist of the French Revolution—really a conservative? The text argues that the author of ‘The Social Contract’ was a constitutionalist much closer to Madison, Montesquieu, and Locke than to revolutionaries. Outlining his profound opposition to Godless materialism and revolutionary change, this book finds parallels between Rousseau and Burke, as well as showing that Rousseau developed the first modern theory of nationalism. It presents an integrated political analysis of Rousseau's educational, ethical, religious and political writings.

Thomas Docherty

Benjamin, there is another available instructive originary moment for this examination of our question. When he died on 10 February 1755, Montesquieu was blind, and had indeed suffered from near-total blindness during the last years of his life. Shortly after his death, when his fragmentary and still incomplete Essay on Taste was published, it became immediately apparent what such an affliction might have meant to him. In that essay (probably begun around 1726, and so contemporaneous with the ‘birth’ of aesthetics in the texts of Hutcheson11), Montesquieu had highlighted

in The new aestheticism
Rousseau as a constitutionalist
Mads Qvortrup

. Among the latter we may cite Aristotle, Cicero, Locke, Montesquieu, Madison, Hayek and possibly even Machiavelli (McCormick 2001: 297). Like all dichotomies this one stretches reality, and may become inaccurate and even absurd when applied too rigorously. However, as a heuristic device it may serve a purpose, namely by identifying the common denominators which we might otherwise overlook. Moreover, this distinction can even be found in the empirical literature (Ertmann 1997), as well as theorists have used the distinction for hundreds of years. Thus in 1476 the

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Jewish emancipation and the Jewish question
Robert Fine and Philip Spencer

religion. 15 Like a ventriloquist who puts his better self into the voice of his dummy, Voltaire intoned, through his Rabbi, a powerful protest against the double standards of the Christian Church and its projection onto Jews of the cruelty that it itself demonstrated. We find similar ambivalences in Montesquieu. He is quoted by historians of antisemitism for a comment in Persian Letters that ‘You can be sure

in Antisemitism and the left
Mads Qvortrup

like John F. Kennedy – understood that sacrifice is a necessary part of a working polity. He was never an institutionalist (like Madison or Mill), though he greatly admired Montesquieu. He approvingly cited the latter’s observation – from Considérations sur les causes de la grandeur des Romains et leur décadance – that ‘at the birth of societies it is the legislators who shape the institutions, after that it is the institutions who shape the legislators’ (III: 381). (Although he also stressed that institutions were not the only factors to shape the law

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Open Access (free)
Cameron Ross

. For Montesquieu, large states must choose between tyranny and federalism. But as Petrov stresses, ‘True to its habit of choosing both evils, Russia has taken the path of building a “federation of tyrannies” ’.8 In a vicious circle, authoritarianism at the centre has been nourished by authoritarianism in the regions and vice versa. To conclude, Yeltsin and Putin, unlike Gorbachev, may have succeeded in maintaining the unity of the state, but only by sacrificing Russia’s democratic transition. Notes 1 D. Kempton, ‘Russian federalism: continuing myth or political

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Open Access (free)
The revolt of democratic Christianity and the rise of public opinion
S.J. Barnett

billet de confession’.47 In November 1748 Montesquieu’s Esprit des lois appeared and Jansenists and the Nouvelles ecclésiastiques were hostile to much of it, so much so that Montesquieu felt forced to defend himself publicly. The editor of the Nouvelles ecclésiastiques (at that time, Fontaine de la Roche) and most other Jansenists considered the Esprit des lois a thinly disguised antichristian writing in support of natural religion. We know, however, that Jansenist thought on toleration was by this time well developed, for the Nouvelles ecclésiastiques quoted

in The Enlightenment and religion
Rousseau’s and nationalism
Mads Qvortrup

la Corse. However, these efforts at creating ‘cultural homogeneity’ do not make him a nationalist in the strict sense, i.e. as defined by Gellner. Rousseau’s considerations in the 1750s were – or, so it might be argued – mostly (un)original elaborations of the doctrine of civic virtue and patriotism developed by Nicolo Machiavelli, in Discoursi,10 and more recently by Pufendorf and Montesquieu. Pufendorf had argued that ‘without religion no society can be maintained’ (Hendel 1934: 221), a view, which Montesquieu had supported in L’esprit des Lois (Book 25, ch. 9

in The political philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
Open Access (free)
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

arose with the early development of capitalism and became particularly strong with the development of an industrial middle class from the 1750s onwards. Locke, Voltaire, Montesquieu and Adam Smith were all regarded by nineteenth-century liberals seeking intellectual ancestors as being early liberals, although they themselves would never have used such a term. Before, during and to a degree after the English Civil Wars there was

in Understanding political ideas and movements
David Lloyd’s work
Laura Chrisman

economic Enlightenment thinkers who include Voltaire, Montesquieu and Smith. And it also neglects the contributions of Kant’s own first two critiques towards a philosophy of the subject, or, rather, implies their irrelevance for an understanding of the third critique.7 I want to look briefly at the passage from Kant’s third critique that Lloyd quotes to illustrate Kant’s conceptions of ‘common sense’ and the public sphere. The passage asserts that common sense is a critical faculty which in its reflective act takes account (a priori) of the mode of representation of

in Postcolonial contraventions