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The challenge of Eurasian security governance

Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.

North Atlantic Treaty Organisation on 22 April 1999, in Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung, Bulletin , no. 19, 23 April 1999, p. 193. 80 ‘The Alliance’s New Strategic Concept’, agreed at the North Atlantic Council in Rome, 7–8 November 1991, section 15, available online: http://www.nato.int/docu/comm/c911107a

in Mapping European security after Kosovo
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‘We’ve moved on’

Russia in terms of business, but also in sensitive areas including in the military and intelligence domains. Another interpretation draws attention to the persistent friction between the West, particularly in its institutional forms such as the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and Russia, whether over questions of wider Euro-Atlantic security, such as that caused by the

in The new politics of Russia
Russia as ‘a Europe apart’

. 35 Active Engagement, Modern Defence. Strategic Concept for the Defence and Security of the Members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (19–20 November 2010), www.nato.int/cps/en/natolive/official_texts_68580.htm . A Secure Europe in a Better World: European Security Strategy , Brussels (12 December 2003), www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cmsUpload/78367.pdf

in The new politics of Russia
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, rather, is to examine and assess the impact of the Kosovo crisis on the continuing evolution and development of key issues relating to post-Cold War European security overall. In measuring this impact the discussions begin, logically, with the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). This was the chosen instrument through which its member states sought to achieve their objective of compelling the government of President

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
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Europe’s ‘zero hour’

, from the inter-war period, to be one of ideological division and confrontation – no longer mainly between fascism and communism, but between communism on the one hand, and capitalism and democracy on the other. The United States’ creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) in 1949 together with eleven West European countries merely confirmed the American commitment to the old continent as manifested through the Marshall Plan. Based on the Washington agreement, NATO committed the participating countries to consider ‘an attack on one of them as an attack

in Destination Europe

NAC-S(99)64) . Website reference www.nato.int/docu/pr/1999/p99-064e.htm; The Alliance’s Strategic Concept (Press Release NAC-S(99)65) . Website reference www.nato.int/docu/pr/1999/p99-065e.htm . 97 The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation: Facts and Figures (Brussels, NATO, 1989), p. 377. 98 N. Butler, ‘NATO at 50

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security

). 8 Quotations taken from the text of the treaty reprinted in The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation: Facts and Figures (Brussels, NATO, 1989), p. 376. 9 The presence of non-democracies in NATO’s ranks remained a bone of contention. See ‘Heirs of Pericles’ in ‘Knights in shining armour? – A survey of NATO

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
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A bounded security role in a greater Europe

The EU has little involvement with 'Eurasia' as compared to the extensive relations it has developed with other parts of the world. A united Europe whose strength would rest ultimately on the joint pillars of its single currency and a common security and defence policy could be viewed either as a counterweight or as a counterpart of American leadership and power. The rise of a strong euro as a global currency could harm a dollar that has provided well for Europe's affluence, and an autonomous Europe could hamper a US leadership that has served well Europe's security. For both North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and the EU, dual enlargement is a vital dimension of a western strategy for the unfinished security business in and beyond Europe.

in Limiting institutions?

This chapter examines the role of multilateral cooperative efforts and institutionalised security cooperation in the Eurasian area through a study of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation's (NATO) Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme. It focuses on several aspects of the PfP's contribution to Eurasian security. Long-term civil-military exercise programmes across Europe and Eurasia were soon developed through the PfP. Non-predatory bandwagoning states, as those joining the PfP, generally try to attain gains not through aggression, but from extending the bandwagoning state's value system. The PfP processes represent a practical cooperative security framework between NATO and individual PfP states involving defence, operational and budgetary planning, military exercises and civil emergency operations. If it continues to receive significant support from the NATO countries, PfP can maintain the bridge of greater political and military understanding between Europe and Eurasia.

in Limiting institutions?