Clara Duterme

Established during the Guatemalan Peace Process, the Oslo Accord contemplates the question of compensating the victims of internal armed conflict. Not only was this accord founded on the principles of victims rights, but it also intends to contribute to the democratic reconstruction of Guatemalan society through a process of recognition of victims status and memory – intended to have a reconciling function. The article focuses on the work of two organisations implementing the Oslo Accord and aims to analyse the discourses and practices of the local actors and their perception of the application of victims rights. Civil society actors and members of the National Compensation Programme demonstrate different approaches both in practical work and in representations of what is right. However, revendication of local cultural values is present in all actors discourse, revealing their ambiguous position in regard to state government.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
A veiled threat
Thomas J. Butko

territories, in terms of both domestic and international recognition. This was reinforced with the signing of the Oslo Accords in September 1993 ( Legrain, 1997 : 169). While it only recently acquired the state-like apparatus of a police force and a more fully-defined administrative structure, the PLO has long been the principal distributor of services and patronage through its control of civil institutions

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Israel and a Palestinian state
Lenore G. Martin

Oslo Accords in 1993, faces substantial challenges to its political legitimacy. It has generated considerable criticism for ineffectual and corrupt government (see Robinson, 1997 ). 13 The regime often seeks to defend itself for its inadequacies by laying blame on Israel for imposing restrictive economic measures and demanding the apprehension of terrorists. On the other hand, the regime depends for much of its income on

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

civil disobedience and resistance across the West Bank and Gaza. The events lasted until 1991 with the Oslo Accords but marked a significant turning point in the Palestinian cause as local agency began to act independently of regional Arab states. The Oslo Accords sought to restart the peace process and move toward a two-​state solution, based on the 1978 Camp David Accords but predicated upon mutual recognition and the right of Palestinians to self-​determination as documented in UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338. Signed on the White House lawn on 13

in Houses built on sand
Raymond Hinnebusch

have seen no alternative to the unilateral deal reached at Oslo. The Oslo accord produced the breakthrough of mutual Palestinian–Israeli recognition and raised the prospect of Palestinian self-determination, even statehood. However, the PLO negotiators, seemingly victims of wishful thinking, appeared to assume Oslo would lead inevitably to a Palestinian state and critically failed to insist that the accord stipulate the minimum condition for confidence-building, namely, an end to further Jewish settlement on the Palestinian land which would potentially constitute

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)
Redefining security in the Middle East
Tami Amanda Jacoby and Brent E. Sasley

between the Palestinian and Israeli sides without the glare of publicity and attention or the opportunity for hard-liners opposed to such negotiations to derail them. While the secrecy of these talks raised questions about the democratic nature of the peace process, they did manage to produce a series of agreements, namely the Oslo Accord of 13 August 1993, the Declaration of Principles signed on the White House lawn on

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Constructing security in historical perspective
Jonathan B. Isacoff

Likud, Peres oversaw and later participated in the secret Oslo negotiations, which culminated in the now-famous Oslo Accords, signed at the White House on 13 September 1993. 20 Peres attained his greatest success in promoting and implementing his moderate doctrine while serving as foreign minister under Yitzhak Rabin from 1992 to 1995, during which time he successfully shepherded the Oslo negotiations

in Redefining security in the Middle East
Simon Mabon

’s authority. Organisations such a Gush Emunim and the Hilltop Youth have conducted ‘price tag’ attacks against the state and Palestinians while also rejecting the legitimacy of the state of Israel, in a number of cases, seeking to bring 12 12 Houses built on sand about its downfall. Recent estimates suggest that over five hundred thousand people live in settlements –​some of which are sanctioned by the state –​in the West Bank, with a growing number living in Area B, in breach of the Oslo Accords.19 Of course, questions about the territorial limits of political

in Houses built on sand
A framework for understanding EU crisis response
Oliver P. Richmond, Sandra Pogodda, and Roger Mac Ginty

–277 . Isard , W. ( 1992 ) Understanding Conflict and the Science of Peace ( Cambridge, MA and Oxford : Blackwell ). James , A. ( 1994 ) Peacekeeping in International Politics ( Basingstoke : IISS/Macmillan ). Jones , D. ( 1999 ) Cosmopolitan Mediation? Conflict Resolution and the Oslo Accords ( Manchester : Manchester University Press

in The EU and crisis response
Open Access (free)
The ‘defending democracy’ in Israel – a framework of analysis
Ami Pedahzur

population among all the Jews in Israel is the ultra-orthodox population. 47 These developments found political representation already in the mid-1980s in the crystallisation of parliamentary alliances, such as the Morasha (Heritage Party), which integrated hawkish elements descending from the religious Zionist school of thought together with Haredi factions. At the start of the 1990s this tendency grew as the ultra-orthodox Habad movement took an active role in the events organised by the political right in protest at the Oslo Accords

in The Israeli response to Jewish extremism and violence