Eurasian security governance has received increasing attention since 1989. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, the institution that best served the security interests of the West in its competition with the Soviet Union, is now relatively ill-equipped resolve the threats emanating from Eurasia to the Atlantic system of security governance. This book investigates the important role played by identity politics in the shaping of the Eurasian security environment. It investigates both the state in post-Soviet Eurasia as the primary site of institutionalisation and the state's concerted international action in the sphere of security. This investigation requires a major caveat: state-centric approaches to security impose analytical costs by obscuring substate and transnational actors and processes. The terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon marked the maturation of what had been described as the 'new terrorism'. Jervis has argued that the western system of security governance produced a security community that was contingent upon five necessary and sufficient conditions. The United States has made an effort to integrate China, Russia into the Atlantic security system via the Partnership for Peace (PfP) programme and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation has become engaged in disseminating security concerns in fields such as environment, energy and economy. If the end of the Cold War left America triumphant, Russia's new geopolitical hand seemed a terrible demotion. Successfully rebalancing the West and building a collaborative system with Russia, China, Europe and America probably requires more wisdom and skill from the world's leaders.
ratification of the US–Russia START I Treaty reducing intercontinental nuclear missiles; the entry into force of the Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty limiting troop levels all over Europe; and NATO’s Partnership for Peace programme, also including Russia. The European Union’s Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) collapsed in 1993 but was revived in a more flexible form, permitting plans for Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) to proceed. The conclusion of the Uruguay Round and the establishment in 1995 of the World Trade Organisation meant a major push for Europe toward
1994 Partnership for Peace programme. In the end, however, the decision on membership would be taken as much on political grounds as on the basis of technical criteria. Address by President George W. Bush to faculty and students of Warsaw University, Warsaw, Poland, 15 June 2001 (www.whitehouse.gov/news/ releases/2001/06/20010615-1). 186 22/9/03, 1:53 pm A new NATO 187 17 The Ballistic Missile Defence is to consist of five sub-systems: (1) a satelliteborne early warning system; (2) an additional earthbound early warning system, permitting more precise
’. NATO reacted quickly. In 1992 it created the North Atlantic Cooperation Council as a forum in which NATO and Central and Eastern European countries could discuss issues of common security. It was soon followed (in 1994) by the Partnership for Peace programme, aiming to involve also non-NATO member states in European peacekeeping. Meanwhile, NATO members reduced and reconfigured their armed forces to achieve better peacekeeping and crisis management. US forces in Germany, for example, were down to 35 per cent of their pre-1989 level by the mid-1990s. The European