Valérie Robin Azevedo

In recent years, exhumation campaigns of mass graves resulting from the armed conflict (1980–2000) between the Maoist guerrillas of PCP-Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) and the States armed forces have increased in Peru. People in rural Andes, the most marginalised sectors of national society, which were also particularly affected by the war, are the main group concerned with exhumations. This article examines the handling, flow and re-appropriation of exhumed human remains in public space to inform sociopolitical issues underlying the reparation policies implemented by the State, sometimes with the support of human rights NGOs. How do the families of victims become involved in this unusual return of their dead? Have the exhumations become a new repertoire of collective action for Andean people seeking to access their fundamental rights and for recognition of their status as citizens? Finally, what do these devices that dignify the dead reveal about the internal workings of Peruvian society – its structural inequities and racism – which permeate the social fabric?

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Dispelling Misconceptions about Sexual Violence against Men and Boys in Conflict and Displacement
Heleen Touquet, Sarah Chynoweth, Sarah Martin, Chen Reis, Henri Myrttinen, Philipp Schulz, Lewis Turner, and David Duriesmith

( Christian et al. , 2011 ; Chynoweth, 2019a ). In Peru, Syria and northern Uganda, men and boys were sexually violated in their homes and in public, in addition to imprisonment ( Leiby, 2012 ; Chynoweth, 2017 ; Schulz, 2018 ). In Somalia and South Sudan, sexual victimisation of men and boys has been documented during flight, at checkpoints and border crossings ( Chynoweth, 2019b ; Nagai et al. , 2008 ). In Liberia and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Dominique Marshall

). Figure 1: Multimedia kit produced by the NFB and CIDA in 1990. Using the themes of ‘Water: The Wonder Fluid’, ‘Food for Thought’, ‘Health Matters’, and ‘Learning from Each Other’, the kit aimed at ‘exploring life in developing countries with children in Botswana, the Ivory Coast, Peru and Thailand’. It contained a Teacher’s Guide booklet of 64 pages, four posters drawn by Lucie Chantal and Stephen Clarke, three copies of the magazine Under the Same Sun , four audio cassettes, and four fixed projections. Source: ARC, Marc Rockbrune Fonds. Photo: D. Marshall

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Bert Ingelaere

( Oxford : Oxford University Press ). Stefanowicz , C. ( 2011 ), ‘ gacaca Highlights Failure to Deal with RPF Crimes’ , Think Africa Press , 8 March . Theidon , K. ( 2006 ), ‘Justice in Transition: The Micropolitics of Reconciliation in Postwar Peru’ , Journal of Conflict Resolution , 50 : 3 , 433 – 57 . Thomson , S. M. ( 2011 ), ‘The Darker Side of Transitional Justice: The Power Dynamics behind Rwanda’s gacaca Courts’ , Africa , 81 : 3 , 373 – 90 . Thomson , S. M. ( 2013 ), Whispering Truth to Power: Everyday Resistance to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
José Blanes Jiménez and Edgar Antonio Pabón

14 Cooperation in Jesús de Machaca in Bolivia José Blanes Jiménez and Edgar Antonio Pabón Context Through its European Union-funded project, Intercultural Conflicts, a demo­­cratic and participative regional response from Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru, the Centro Boliviano de Estudios Multidisciplinarios (CEBEM) established a cooperation programme with other institutions in Ecuador and Peru oriented towards strengthening the capacities of indigenous peoples and their leaders in the management of their territories. The programme takes place in the particular context

in Knowledge, democracy and action
Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

Open Access (free)
Corpse-work in the prehistory of political boundaries
Richard Kernaghan

contract lingered long after the movement’s demise? Human corpses served the ends of drawing insurgent territory and forging new law. Once upon a recent time what is now the region’s political pre-history had profound impacts upon relations between people and property. I say prehistory because, for Huallaga communities, that era falls on the distant ‘other side’ of the new legal situation founded through the Peruvian state’s military defeat of the Shining Path – an imposition engendering its own silences and forms of oblivion through different tactics where corpses too

in Governing the dead
Collective violence in colonial Spanish
Anthony McFarlane

Guatemala) and South America (principally modern Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia), all suffered from vertiginous demographic decline during the sixteenth century, caused by successive epidemics of Old World diseases to which native Americans had no immunity. And, as native numbers fell, resistance to Spanish rule was weakened by the destructuration of indigenous communities, the elimination of traditional leaders, and the willingness of native elites to accommodate to Spanish rule and accept Christianity.3 The accommodation between European invaders and native

in A global history of early modern violence
Open Access (free)
George Philip

‘mental instability’ in 1997 and the enforced resignation LATIN AMERICA 203 of another president in 2000 owing to military intervention. The current president of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, was largely unknown to the general public when as Colonel Chávez he led a coup attempt against a democraticallyelected government in February 1992. This did not stop him being elected to the presidency in 1998. Peru’s Alberto Fujimori, though democratically elected in 1990 and 1995, looked to be on the point of imposing a kind of full-scale authoritarianism when he finally lost power

in Democratization through the looking-glass