them, as well as helping to maintain the collective self-esteem of the group and
satisfying the narcissistic needs of the group (‘we are sufficiently
important that everyone is against us’)’ ( Krekó, 2011 ). In present-day Europe, this is
highly visible in conspiracy theories connected to migrants and refugees, but
also in the revival of anti-Semitic and anti-Roma prejudices in countries such
as Hungary. Writing about the utility of conspiracy theories in the twentieth
Numerous scholars and policymakers have highlighted the predicament of Roma as the most disadvantaged ethnic minority in Europe. This predicament has often been discussed as an unfortunate anomaly within otherwise inclusive liberal democratic states. In this book, Julija Sardelić offers a novel socio-legal enquiry into the position of Roma as marginalised citizens in Europe. Whilst acknowledging previous research on ethnic discrimination, racism and the socio-economic disadvantages Roma face in Europe, she discusses civic marginalisation from the perspective of global citizenship studies. She argues that the Romani minorities in Europe are unique, but the approaches of civic marginalisation Roma have faced are not. States around the globe have applied similar legislation and policies that have made traditionally settled minorities marginalised. These may have seemed inclusive to all citizens or have been designed to improve the position of minority citizens yet they have often actively contributed to the construction of civic marginalisation. The book looks at civic marginalisation by examining topics such as free movement and migration, statelessness and school segregation as well as how minorities respond to marginalisation. It shows how marginalised minorities can have a wide spectrum of ‘multicultural rights’ and still face racism and significant human rights violations. To understand such a paradox, Sardelić offers new theoretical concepts, such as the invisible edges of citizenship and citizenship fringes.
of citizenship (Taylor et al. , 2018 ). Recently there has been a growing consensus among scholars that it is predominantly practices and discourses of racialisation that make Roma visible as a minority throughout the European public space (Yuval-Davis et al. , 2017 ; McGarry, 2017 ; Kóczé and Rövid, 2017 ; Yildiz and De Genova, 2018 ): the novel form of racialisation is connected to ascribing fixed cultural characteristics to Roma, which are seemingly incompatible with liberal democratic states. As these scholars have shown, whilst racialisation constructs
in equal protection of rights for Roma. Multicultural legislation for minority protection and policies addressing specifically the position of Roma have not significantly contributed to substantive equality. There are three key questions here: (1) why do formally guaranteed rights (in constitutions and other legislation) fail to protect Roma? (2) why does international legislation and policies for inclusion fail to remedy marginalisation? and (3) do these shortcomings only speak to the case of Roma? These questions carry a sense of urgency: the perceived failure of
This book has contemplated the position of Roma as citizens in Europe. Whilst acknowledging ethnic discrimination and anti-Roma racism, as well as the socio-economic disadvantage that Roma face in some of world's most developed states,
it has explored the position of Romani minorities from the perspective of citizenship studies. Through a socio-legal analysis of (inter)national legislation and policies, it has focused on civic marginalisation: it has examined how states and international
Sabotage as a citizenship enactment at the fringes
In 2013, Nazif Mujić, a Bosnian citizen of Romani background, received a Silver Bear Award at the Berlin International Film Festival. He won the award for his leading role in a low-budget film, An Episode in the Life of an Iron Picker , directed by the acclaimed director Danis Tanović. The film showed the daily struggles stateless Roma face: in a role of a husband, playing out his life, Mujić destroys his car and sells it as scrap metal so that he can pay for his wife's urgent medical treatment. She has no
If all the Gypsies were to steal, Tour Eiffel would disappear
from ‘Sarkozy versus Gypsy’ sung by VAMA, featuring Ralflo, as a protest against the 2010 expulsions of Roma from France, quoted in Romea.cz, 2010
In her 2007 journal article, Linda Bosniak argued normatively that all residents in liberal democratic states should have equal rights on the same
I have made more than 20 formal applications for documents since 1991. I even visited the Ombudsman's Office. They [the authorities] didn't explain things to me, they just asked for documents that I don't have.
Haidar Osmani, stateless Roma in North Macedonia, quoted in UNHCR statelessness report (UNHCR, 2017c : 27)
This is a problem many believe has been
2016 report Being Fair, Faring Better: Promoting Equality of Opportunity for Marginalized Roma published by the World Bank (Gatti et al ., 2016 : xix)
Between 31 May and 2 June 2019, Pope Francis paid a visit to Romania and made a historical apology to all Roma in Europe. He apologised for the harm inflicted on Roma by the majority populations and institutions affiliated with the Roman Catholic Church. Prominent international media in
Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.