Colonialism, grave robbery and intellectual history
Larissa Förster, Dag Henrichsen, Holger Stoecker and Hans Axasi╪Eichab

In 1885, the Berlin pathologist Rudolf Virchow presented three human skeletons from the colony of German South West Africa to the Berlin Society for Anthropology, Ethnology and Prehistory. The remains had been looted from a grave by a young German scientist, Waldemar Belck, who was a member of the second Lüderitz expedition and took part in the occupation of colonial territory. In an attempt to re-individualise and re-humanise these human remains, which were anonymised in the course of their appropriation by Western science, the authors consult not only the colonial archive, but also contemporary oral history in Namibia. This allows for a detailed reconstruction of the social and political contexts of the deaths of the three men, named Jacobus Hendrick, Jacobus !Garisib and Oantab, and of Belck’s grave robbery, for an analysis of how the remains were turned into scientific objects by German science and institutions, as well as for an establishment of topographical and genealogical links with the Namibian present. Based on these findings, claims for the restitution of African human remains from German institutions cannot any longer be regarded as a contemporary phenomenon only but must be understood as part of an African tradition of resistance against Western colonial and scientific practices.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Cancer, modernity, and decline in fin-de-siècle Britain
Agnes Arnold-Forster

-citizens’, ‘lymph-roads’, and ‘the body-fortresses. 62 Similarly, Rudolf Virchow repeatedly described the cell through analogy to the individual person: ‘A cell … yes, that is really a person and in truth a busy, and active person.’  63 Thus, the ‘cancer epidemic’ was read through this metaphorical body–nation connection, and its narration was particularly dependent on prevalent assumptions about the disease's specific causes and cures. Various aspects of cancer

in Progress and pathology
Torsten Riotte

R. Virchow, ‘Kunstfehler der Äerzte’, in R. Virchow, Gesammelte Abhandlunge aus dem Gebiet der Öffentlichen Medizi n, vol. 2 (Berlin, 1879), 514–22. 36 On Virchow, see C. Goschler, Rudolf Virchow. Mediziner – Anthropologe – Politiker , 2nd edn (Köln/Weimar/Wien: Böhlau, 2009); on the postmodern turn in medical discourse, R. Cooter, ‘Medicine and Modernity’, in M. Jackson (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of the History of Medicine

in Progress and pathology
Johan Östling

. Catholics, Jews, and political radicals found it more difficult to assert themselves and were sometimes completely excluded from the academic community.5 During the same period, competition increased among the academic disciplines. Ultimately, the conflict was about the meaning of the concept of Wissenschaft. In a speech from 1892, the Berlin university’s rector (this term will be used from now on to refer to the Rektor, or vice-chancellor/president, of a German university), Rudolf Virchow, declared that ‘the dominance of neohumanism is broken’. Virchow, who was a

in Humboldt and the modern German university
Nico Randeraad

and entrepreneurs. A key priority at the first session in June 1863 was to make it clear that the congress was not political. Ironically, this vain attempt only served to emphasise the unavoidable political aspects of the congress. The discussion about the participation of experts such as Otto Michaelis, Hermann Schulze-Delitsch, Rudolf Virchow and Rudolf von Gneist in the preparatory commission is a case in point. Their involvement was not without controversy. All four represented progressive views which were consistently pushed to the margins in Bismarck’s Prussia

in States and statistics in the nineteenth century
Leopold von Sacher-Masoch’s Venus im Pelz (1870)
Birgit Lang

years before the showdown between Ernst Haeckel and his former professor Rudolf Virchow at the Fiftieth Congress of the Association German ­Scientists and Physicians in Munich, Sacher-Masoch aimed to popularise ­Darwinian ideas in an area about which Darwin had said little; The Descent of Man would be more forthcoming in that respect. Kelly, The Descent of Darwin, p. 58. 72 ‘Die Poesie soll eine bilderreiche “Naturgeschichte des Menschen” sein, wo sie dies nicht ist, wo sie abstrakte Phantome oder ideale Phantasiegebilde bietet, erfüllt sie ihre sittliche Aufgabe

in A history of the case study