Dead bodies, evidence and the death march from Buchenwald to Dachau, April–May 1945
Christopher E. Mauriello
This article utilises the theoretical perspectives of the forensic turn to further expand our historical understandings and interpretations of the events of the Holocaust. More specifically, it applies a theory of the materialities of dead bodies to historically reconstruct and reinterpret the death march from Buchenwald to Dachau from 7 to 28 April 1945. It focuses on dead bodies as ‘evidence’, but explores how the evidential meanings of corpses along the death-march route evolved and changed during the march itself and in the aftermath of discovery by approaching American military forces. While drawing on theories of the evidential use of dead bodies, it remains firmly grounded in empirical historical research based on archival sources. The archives at the Buchenwald Concentration Camp contain eyewitness accounts and post-war trial testimony that enable a deeply contextualised ‘microhistory’ of the geography, movements, perpetrators, victims and events along this specific death march in April and May 1945. This ‘thick description’ provides the necessary context for a theoretical reading of the changing evidential meanings of dead bodies as the death march wove its way from Buchenwald to Dachau and the war and the Holocaust drew to an end.
This paper traces the massacres of Jews and Soviet prisoners of war in November 1941
in the city of Bobruisk, Eastern Belarus. Sparked by a current memorial at one of the
killing sites, the author examines the historic events of the killings themselves and
presents a micro level analysis of the various techniques for murdering and disposing
of such large numbers of victims. A contrast will be shown between the types of
actions applied to the victims by the German army, SS, police personnel and other
local collaborators, reflecting an imposed racial hierarchisation even after their
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
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The daily work of Erich Muhsfeldt, chief of the crematorium at Majdanek concentration and extermination camp, 1942–44
A specialist: the daily work of Erich
Muhsfeldt, chief of the crematorium
at Majdanek concentration and
extermination camp, 1942–44 1
In the context of the invasion of the Soviet Union, due to begin on
22 June 1941, Heinrich Himmler, visiting Lublin on 20 June that
year, ordered a camp to be built in this Polish city situated in the
south-east of occupied Poland, the so-called Generalgouvernement.
Officially run as the ‘Lublin Waffen-SS prisoner of war camp’, the
camp – which the prisoners named after the Lublin suburb of
Bordering intimacy is a study of how borders and dominant forms of intimacy, such as family, are central to the governance of postcolonial states such as Britain. The book explores the connected history between contemporary border regimes and the policing of family with the role of borders under European and British empires. Building upon postcolonial, decolonial and black feminist theory, the investigation centres on how colonial bordering is remade in contemporary Britain through appeals to protect, sustain and make family life. Not only was family central to the making of colonial racism but claims to family continue to remake, shore up but also hide the organisation of racialised violence in liberal states. Drawing on historical investigations, the book investigates the continuity of colonial rule in numerous areas of contemporary government – family visa regimes, the policing of sham marriages, counterterror strategies, deprivation of citizenship, policing tactics, integration policy. In doing this, the book re-theorises how we think of the connection between liberal government, race, family, borders and empire. In using Britain as a case, this opens up further insights into the international/global circulations of liberal empire and its relationship to violence.
The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand,
and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that
violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state)
health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence
against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human
rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence
against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of
the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the
horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’
dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional
and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept
of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence
against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on
the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised
in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an
innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due
diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment).
The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the
ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).
on, but nobody was really very
enthusiastic except the painters. (SS, 3)
The painters, O’Hara specifies, ‘the Abstract Expressionists in particular’,
acted as an ‘example’, giving him the feeling that ‘one should work harder and
should really try to do something other than just polish whatever talent one
had been recognised for, that one should go further’ (SS, 3). The evidence of
their example is The Collected Poems, testifying as the book does not only to
O’Hara’s willingness to work, his sheer productivity, but also to the relentless
pursuit of the new and the
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
‘Nederland voor de
The extreme right in the Netherlands, 1945–84
Following the end of the Second World War the Dutch process of denazification began with the internment of some 100,000 collaborators. Several
former members of the Nationaal Socialistische Beweging in Nederland
(National Socialist Movement in the Netherlands, NSB), the only legal
Dutch political party during the German occupation, and of the (Waffen-) SS
lost their political rights, mostly for several years (see Bank 1998
the Ministry of Health.
Two examples of importation in the 1950s showed that vaccination was seen mainly as a barrier against foreign infection. Since smallpox was a foreign contagion brought in by travellers to or residents of infected areas, the government and the public showed more concern about the vaccination of at-risk groups, rather than massively expanding routine childhood vaccination. The first example is of a case of smallpox on board the SS Mooltan , which arrived in the Port of London from Australia in April 1949. Citizens, politicians