Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order
Stephen Hopgood

, creating intolerance, violence and instability. The impact of technology is also not necessarily benign, allowing easy communication, yes, but creating a megaphone for prejudice, propaganda, targeted character attacks and the erosion of trust. But these changes, while important, will not have the same far-reaching consequences as the change in the distribution of power in the system as a whole. The three options outlined above – renegotiated global norms, sectarian norms and a norm void – are not mutually exclusive, and we might pass through them

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Visual Advocacy in the Early Decades of Humanitarian Cinema
Valérie Gorin

in foreign countries, including some considered to have an ideology hostile to the West, humanitarian organizations strategically turned to simple narratives in their visual appeals to depoliticize the context. Typically, the child constituted a figure that was ‘ideologically neutral’ ( Cosandey, 1998 : 5). Similarly, the focus on relief operations and benevolent workers helped to shape moral responsibilities of Western viewers to act in solidarity ‘based on need and not on identity’ ( Barnett, 2011 : 84). However, humanitarian motives were not free of sectarian

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Sovereignty, violence and revolution in the Middle East
Author: Simon Mabon

In events that have since become known as the Arab Uprisings or Arab Revolutions, people across the Middle East took to the streets to express their anger and frustration at political climates, demanding political and economic reform. In a number of cases, protest movements were repressed, often violently, with devastating repercussions for human security and peace across the region.

While a number of scholars have sought to understand how the protests occurred, this book looks at sovereignty and the relationship between rulers and ruled to identify and understand both the roots of this anger but also the mechanisms through which regimes were able to withstand seemingly existential pressures and maintain power.

Open Access (free)
Neil McNaughton

leads the extreme loyalist party, the Democratic Unionist party. As religious observance has declined, it might be thought that the so-called ‘sectarian’ divide in Northern Ireland might disappear. This has not been the case. Strict religious belief may be less significant, but religion still represents culture and the conflict is, to a great extent, cultural in nature. There is an old joke in Northern Ireland which illustrates the strange place of religion in the troubles. It runs like this: A Jew was walking along a Belfast street. He was stopped by a threatening

in Understanding British and European political issues
Open Access (free)
A reminder from the present
Pete Shirlow

how the ideological divisions between Irishness and Britishness continue to be reproduced, despite the supposed evaporation of such discursive constructions. In pinpointing the divisions that remain and those that may reappear, this chapter argues that the capacity exists for sectarian consciousness to spread throughout the Irish body politic. The Irish ‘problem’ remains one of territory, given the existence of a border that acts as a social, constitutional, political and cultural divide. However, the northern problem may become a southern reality. A fundamental

in The end of Irish history?
Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

of nature is perhaps bleaker than Hobbes’, suggesting that there is a ‘natural’ transformation into this state of nature as a consequence of the increasingly repressive and sect-​based politics of survival that challenge the very existence of the Syrian people. This approach stems from regimes following their instincts, their neuroses and ‘their madness’. In such conditions, groups develop narratives of superiority and victimhood as a means of ensuring their survival. As a consequence, politics is reduced to a ‘sectarian war, in which murder leads to murder

in Houses built on sand
Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

with sectarian schisms seen in the establishment of Hizballah10 and provision of support for other Shi’a groups across the region. Following such support, in the years that followed, the blame for domestic unrest in states with sectarian tensions was firmly placed on Iran. Later the same year, a group of Saudi tribesmen led by Juhayman Al Utaybi entered the Grand Mosque in Mecca and seized control of it by force. The group held the belief that modernisation strategies deployed by the Al Saud –​coupled with their ‘un-​Islamic’ behaviour  –​were contrary to Islam. Al

in Houses built on sand
Emigration and sectarian rivalry
Sarah Roddy

4 The battlefield against popery: emigration and sectarian rivalry ‘If each priest were to take a wife about four thousand children would be born within the year, forty thousand would be added to the birth rate in ten years. Ireland can be saved by her priesthood!’ George Moore, The Untilled Field (1903) Thus concluded the fictional Fr MacTurnan, so petrified that ‘Ireland would become a Protestant country if the Catholic emigration did not cease’, that he dispatched to Rome an heretical suggestion of rescinding clerical celibacy.1 This may have been a slice

in Population, providence and empire

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

Open Access (free)
Simon Mabon

sectarian violence. 2 2 Houses built on sand Lebanese politics has long been characterised by religious difference that is built into the very fabric of the state, embedded in a constitution that shares power along sectarian lines. This organisation of political life has left the state open to the geopolitical aspirations of others, leading to the penetration of Lebanese politics by Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Israel and others, resulting in the conflation of domestic and regional politics. Regulating life, a key part of a sovereign’s responsibilities, becomes

in Houses built on sand