Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War
Xavier Crombé and Joanna Kuper

by the government’s offensive, including shelling the town. As one local witness recalled: ‘Light things like mats, medicines, items which can easily be picked up were taken by people from the community. Heavy machines were taken by the soldiers, both the rebels and the government soldiers and those who had joined the government like the Darfuri [members of the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), a Sudanese rebel group whose forces allegedly crossed the border and fought on the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Common problem, varying strategies

Multinational corporations are not merely the problem in environmental concerns, but could also be part of the solution. The oil industry and climate change provide the clearest example of how the two are linked; what is less well known is how the industry is responding to these concerns. This book presents a detailed study of the climate strategies of ExxonMobil, Shell and Statoil. Using an analytical approach, the chapters explain variations at three decision-making levels: within the companies themselves, in the national home-bases of the companies and at an international level. The analysis generates policy-relevant knowledge about whether and how corporate resistance to a viable climate policy can be overcome. The analytical approach developed by this book is also applicable to other areas of environmental degradation where multinational corporations play a central role.

Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

2543Chap3 16/7/03 9:58 am Page 43 3 The climate strategies of the oil industry Oil companies want to sell as much oil and gas as possible at the highest possible price. Still, a quick glance at the web pages of Shell, ExxonMobil and Statoil (as well as other US and Europeanbased oil companies) reveals significant differences in their perceptions of climate change. What are the strategies adopted by ExxonMobil, the Shell Group and Statoil on the climate issue? Do they merely use different rhetoric to please their clients, consumers and employees, or is the

in Climate change and the oil industry
Open Access (free)
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

stimulated and corporate resistance overcome. To address the research questions and move towards a better understanding of factors explaining changes and differences in corporate climate strategies, we have chosen to focus on three major oil companies in this study: ExxonMobil, the Shell Group and Statoil. Crudely put, these companies share the same core aim of selling as much oil and gas as possible at the highest possible price and the lowest possible cost within the same global market. The business opportunities and challenges offered by regulatory measures to curb GHG

in Climate change and the oil industry
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

2543Chap5 16/7/03 9:58 am Page 104 5 The Domestic Politics model Company-specific differences between ExxonMobil, Shell and Statoil can shed light on differences in their climate strategies to only a limited extent. Chapter 4 revealed that company-specific features with implications for climate strategies are marked more by similarities than differences. The CA model is also incapable of explaining changes in corporate climate strategies. We explore whether the national political contexts in which the companies operate prove more capable of explaining

in Climate change and the oil industry
Open Access (free)
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

companies such as BP (British Petroleum) and Shell support the Kyoto Protocol, have set ambitious goals to reduce their own greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, and have invested in renewable energy. At present, these companies increasingly see themselves as energy companies rather than merely oil companies. Conversely, a major US-based company such as ExxonMobil – the biggest company in the world – has not changed at all. ExxonMobil opposes the Kyoto Protocol, it has not set any reduction targets for its own GHG emissions, and it does not have any immediate plans to invest in

in Climate change and the oil industry
Open Access (free)
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

differences in in-house scientific and technological expertise that may influence the perception of causes as well as solutions to environmental problems characterised by scientific uncertainty. Finally, an important organisational dimension with a potential impact on environmental strategy choice is the ownership structure of the corporation. First, there is a major distinction between state and private ownership. Shell and ExxonMobil are private companies, while Statoil was, until recently, fully owned by the Norwegian state. National oil companies may be less accountable

in Climate change and the oil industry
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

2543Chap4 16/7/03 9:58 am Page 74 4 The Corporate Actor model The previous chapter demonstrated the striking differences in the climate strategies of ExxonMobil, the Shell Group and Statoil. While ExxonMobil has adopted a reactive strategy, Shell has chosen a proactive response, and Statoil has adopted a strategy representing a hybrid between these two positions. In this chapter we explore the explanatory power of the approach we have labelled the Corporate Actor (CA) model. To recapitulate our discussion from chapter 2, the CA model suggests that

in Climate change and the oil industry
Open Access (free)
Environmental justice and citizen science in a post-truth age
Editors: Thom Davies and Alice Mah

This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,” citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing, witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues, as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from emerging scholars and community activists.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.