A Military Tactic or Collateral Damage?
Abdulkarim Ekzayez and Ammar Sabouni

). There were at least ten hospitals with a number of medical points providing a comprehensive package of health services in this part of the city ( OCHA, 2017 ). Despite the daily shelling and airstrikes by the GoS, opposition groups were able to make east Aleppo one of their fortified strongholds. However, the involvement of Russia in October 2015 put the opposition on the back foot ( Reuters, 2016 ). In July 2016, the GoS started a decisive offensive to take over the city. The offensive started with tightening the besiegement of the opposition areas in the city

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War
Xavier Crombé and Joanna Kuper

were leaving Leer as well, MSF’s 240 local staff stayed and continued to operate the hospital. Looting of the facility reportedly began in the last days when the staff were present and working, involving civilians and combatants alike in the panic and confusion created by the government’s offensive, including shelling the town. As one local witness recalled: ‘Light things like mats, medicines, items which can easily be picked up were taken by people from the community

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Common problem, varying strategies

Multinational corporations are not merely the problem in environmental concerns, but could also be part of the solution. The oil industry and climate change provide the clearest example of how the two are linked; what is less well known is how the industry is responding to these concerns. This book presents a detailed study of the climate strategies of ExxonMobil, Shell and Statoil. Using an analytical approach, the chapters explain variations at three decision-making levels: within the companies themselves, in the national home-bases of the companies and at an international level. The analysis generates policy-relevant knowledge about whether and how corporate resistance to a viable climate policy can be overcome. The analytical approach developed by this book is also applicable to other areas of environmental degradation where multinational corporations play a central role.

Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

2543Chap3 16/7/03 9:58 am Page 43 3 The climate strategies of the oil industry Oil companies want to sell as much oil and gas as possible at the highest possible price. Still, a quick glance at the web pages of Shell, ExxonMobil and Statoil (as well as other US and Europeanbased oil companies) reveals significant differences in their perceptions of climate change. What are the strategies adopted by ExxonMobil, the Shell Group and Statoil on the climate issue? Do they merely use different rhetoric to please their clients, consumers and employees, or is the

in Climate change and the oil industry
Open Access (free)
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

stimulated and corporate resistance overcome. To address the research questions and move towards a better understanding of factors explaining changes and differences in corporate climate strategies, we have chosen to focus on three major oil companies in this study: ExxonMobil, the Shell Group and Statoil. Crudely put, these companies share the same core aim of selling as much oil and gas as possible at the highest possible price and the lowest possible cost within the same global market. The business opportunities and challenges offered by regulatory measures to curb GHG

in Climate change and the oil industry
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

2543Chap5 16/7/03 9:58 am Page 104 5 The Domestic Politics model Company-specific differences between ExxonMobil, Shell and Statoil can shed light on differences in their climate strategies to only a limited extent. Chapter 4 revealed that company-specific features with implications for climate strategies are marked more by similarities than differences. The CA model is also incapable of explaining changes in corporate climate strategies. We explore whether the national political contexts in which the companies operate prove more capable of explaining

in Climate change and the oil industry
Open Access (free)
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

companies such as BP (British Petroleum) and Shell support the Kyoto Protocol, have set ambitious goals to reduce their own greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, and have invested in renewable energy. At present, these companies increasingly see themselves as energy companies rather than merely oil companies. Conversely, a major US-based company such as ExxonMobil – the biggest company in the world – has not changed at all. ExxonMobil opposes the Kyoto Protocol, it has not set any reduction targets for its own GHG emissions, and it does not have any immediate plans to invest in

in Climate change and the oil industry
Open Access (free)
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

differences in in-house scientific and technological expertise that may influence the perception of causes as well as solutions to environmental problems characterised by scientific uncertainty. Finally, an important organisational dimension with a potential impact on environmental strategy choice is the ownership structure of the corporation. First, there is a major distinction between state and private ownership. Shell and ExxonMobil are private companies, while Statoil was, until recently, fully owned by the Norwegian state. National oil companies may be less accountable

in Climate change and the oil industry
Jon Birger Skjærseth and Tora Skodvin

2543Chap4 16/7/03 9:58 am Page 74 4 The Corporate Actor model The previous chapter demonstrated the striking differences in the climate strategies of ExxonMobil, the Shell Group and Statoil. While ExxonMobil has adopted a reactive strategy, Shell has chosen a proactive response, and Statoil has adopted a strategy representing a hybrid between these two positions. In this chapter we explore the explanatory power of the approach we have labelled the Corporate Actor (CA) model. To recapitulate our discussion from chapter 2, the CA model suggests that

in Climate change and the oil industry
Open Access (free)
Design and material culture in Soviet Russia, 1960s–80s
Author: Yulia Karpova

The major part of this book project was funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie Sklodowska-Curie grant agreement No. 700913.

This book is about two distinct but related professional cultures in late Soviet Russia that were concerned with material objects: industrial design and decorative art. The Russian avant-garde of the 1920s is broadly recognised to have been Russia’s first truly original contribution to world culture. In contrast, Soviet design of the post-war period is often dismissed as hackwork and plagiarism that resulted in a shabby world of commodities. This book identifies the second historical attempt at creating a powerful alternative to capitalist commodities in the Cold War era. It offers a new perspective on the history of Soviet material culture by focusing on the notion of the ‘comradely object’ as an agent of progressive social relations that state-sponsored Soviet design inherited from the avant-garde. It introduces a shared history of domestic objects, handmade as well as machine-made, mass-produced as well as unique, utilitarian as well as challenging the conventional notion of utility. Situated at the intersection of intellectual history, social history and material culture studies, this book elucidates the complexities and contradictions of Soviet design that echoed international tendencies of the late twentieth century. The book is addressed to design historians, art historians, scholars of material culture, historians of Russia and the USSR, as well as museum and gallery curators, artists and designers, and the broader public interested in modern aesthetics, art and design, and/or the legacy of socialist regimes.