This book presents an overview of Jean–Jacques Rousseau's work from a political science perspective. Was Rousseau — the great theorist of the French Revolution—really a conservative? The text argues that the author of ‘The Social Contract’ was a constitutionalist much closer to Madison, Montesquieu, and Locke than to revolutionaries. Outlining his profound opposition to Godless materialism and revolutionary change, this book finds parallels between Rousseau and Burke, as well as showing that Rousseau developed the first modern theory of nationalism. It presents an integrated political analysis of Rousseau's educational, ethical, religious and political writings.
. So in fact,
there were deep divisions between these two parties. Furthermore, since taking
power in the region, the PYD had snuffed out all political opposition, whether
from Kurds or Arabs, and violently suppressed all demonstrations, going so far
as to torture or kill potential opponents ( International Crisis Group, 2013 : 26). The PYD had in fact
established an authoritarian regime far removed from the socialcontract drafted
in December 2016
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez, and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
and instability, weak health sectors and economies and an eroded socialcontract set
the foundations for the crisis of 2014.
The place of these countries in global history and contemporary dependencies was
re-inscribed in the nature of the response. Under the PHEIC (Public Health Emergency
of International Concern) declared by the World Health Assembly on 8 August 2014, it
was conducted through a joint partnership between the international community and
looming environmental disasters. Domestically, the liberal socialcontract is
coming apart in many Western states as the coalition of those who have not benefited from the
decades of wealth accumulation after 1979 turns to populist politicians and looks for scapegoats,
with experts, immigrants and Muslims seen as prime targets. The commitment to liberal
institutions that create limits to the scope of political competition – rights, the rule
of law, freedom of the press – and to the basic level of respect due to all persons, be
they citizens or refugees
Harrison’s and Minkin’s seminal studies, just seven other monographs
appeared: Irving Richter’s studies of the politics of three affiliated unions (1973);
Leo Panitch’s study of incomes policy (1976); William Muller’s study of unionsponsored MPs (1977); Lewis Minkin’s study of the Labour Party Conference
(1978); Derek Fatchett’s study of the first struggle over political fund ballots
(1987); Andrew Taylor’s analysis of the link during the SocialContract era and its
aftermath (1987); and Paul Webb’s study of the link’s institutional forms and of
union members’ electoral
intervention has to be balanced
by a dialogic relationship between scientists and society. In the end our
proposal is about a socialcontract: scientists obtain freedom but guarantee
self-regulation and an active dialogue with society.
Governing risk in the European Union
In the experience of the EU, two foundations of risk regulation have emerged.
Broadly speaking, we can call one foundation evidence-based policy and
the other the precautionary principle. Evidence-based policy is, in principle,
the main foundation of regulatory decision-making in the OECD countries
be more open to other experiences, other tools.
This chapter divides roughly into two parts. The first part introduces briefly the polarity of universalism and relativism that structures much of what it is possible to say on human rights – chapter 3 explores this theme further. The chapter then looks at the story of the Lockean socialcontract, as one still potent myth of the origin for human rights and more broadly as a mechanism for conceptualising the human political community and ethics in the liberal state. The adequacy of these
govern our major
institutions, Rawls draws upon the socialcontract tradition in order to
develop a method which he hopes can secure agreement on a particular
conception of justice.
Rawls’s guiding idea is that the principles which should
be adopted are those which rational persons, concerned to further their own
interests, would agree upon in an initial position of equality. In order to
model this initial
By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this
volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of
violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities
across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications
of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the
study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical
significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the
myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and
non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the
Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex
than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance.
Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale
violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum,
ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was
privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early
modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent
forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in
activities not officially classed as war.
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.