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Kinship, community and identity
Author: Duncan Sayer

Early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries are well-known because of their rich grave goods, but this wealth can obscure their importance as local phenomena and the product of pluralistic multi-generational communities. This book explores over one hundred early Anglo-Saxon and some Merovingian cemeteries and aims to understand them using a multi-dimensional methodology. The performance of mortuary drama was a physical communication and so needed syntax and semantics. This local knowledge was used to negotiate the arrangement of cemetery spaces and to construct the stories that were told within them. For some families the emphasis of a mortuary ritual was on reinforcing and reproducing family narratives, but this was only one technique used to arrange cemetery space. This book offers an alternative way to explore the horizontal organisation of cemeteries from a holistic perspective. Each chapter builds on the last, using visual aesthetics, leitmotifs, spatial statistics, grave orientation, density of burial, mortuary ritual, grave goods, grave robbing, barrows, integral structures, skeletal trauma, stature, gender and age to build a detailed picture of complex mortuary spaces. This approach places community at the forefront of interpretation because people used and reused cemetery spaces and these people chose to emphasise different characteristics of the deceased because of their own attitudes, lifeways and lived experiences. This book will appeal to scholars of Anglo-Saxon studies and will also be of value to archaeologists interested in mortuary spaces, communities and social differentiation because it proposes a way to move beyond grave goods in the discussion of complex social identities.

The dynamic processes of knowledge production in archaeology and elsewhere in the humanities and social sciences are increasingly viewed within the context of negotiation, cooperation and exchange, as the collaborative effort of groups, clusters and communities of scholars. Shifting focus from the individual scholar to the wider social contexts of her work, this volume investigates the importance of informal networks and conversation in the creation of knowledge about the past, and takes a closer look at the dynamic interaction and exchange that takes place between individuals, groups and clusters of scholars in the wider social settings of scientific work. Various aspects of and mechanisms at work behind the interaction and exchange that takes place between the individual scholar and her community, and the creative processes that such encounters trigger, are critically examined in eleven chapters which draw on a wide spectrum of examples from Europe and North America: from early modern antiquarians to archaeological societies and practitioners at work during the formative years of the modern archaeological disciplines and more recent examples from the twentieth century. The individual chapters engage with theoretical approaches to scientific creativity, knowledge production and interaction such as sociology and geographies of science, and actor-network theory (ANT) in their examination of individual–collective interplay. The book caters to readers both from within and outside the archaeological disciplines; primarily intended for researchers, teachers and students in archaeology, anthropology, classics and the history of science, it will also be of interest to the general reader.

Where and when does the violence end?
David M. Anderson and Paul J. Lane

Hawai’i: dignity or debacle?’, University of Hawai’i Law Review, 22 (2000), 545–​68; K. S. Fine-​Dare, Grave Injustice: The American Indian Repatriation Movement and NAGPRA (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2002); J. Watkins, ‘Becoming American or becoming Indian? NAGPRA, Kennewick and cultural affiliation’, Journal of Social Archaeology, 4:1 (2004), 60–​80. 20 See www.worldarchaeologicalcongress.org/​about-​wac/​codes-​of-​ethics/​ 168-​vermillion (accessed 16 October 2014). 21 Zimmerman, ‘Made radical by my own’, pp.  60–​7; E. Williams and D. Johnston, ‘The

in Human remains in society
Missing persons and colonial skeletons in South Africa
Nicky Rousseau

remains’. Ibid.; N. Shepherd, ‘Archaeology dreaming: post-apartheid urban imaginaries and the bones of the Prestwich Street dead’, Journal of Social Archaeology, 7:3 (2007) 3–28; L. Green & N. Murray, ‘Notes for a guide to the ossuary’, African Studies, 68:3 (December 2009), 370–86; ‘Prestwich Place Memorial: human remains, development and truth’, 27 July 2010, Archival Platform, available at www.archivalplatform.org/blog/entry/ prestwich_place/ (accessed 20 January 2014). Rassool, ‘Human remains’, p. 18. Z. Crossland, ‘Acts of estrangement: the post-mortem making of

in Human remains and identification
Duncan Sayer

the time of writing, the methodologies and questions employed in the investigation of ancient DNA are only just catching up with the problems of social archaeology (Sykes, et al. 2019 ). However, we have an enormous amount of data to investigate by looking at the bodies of past people and, most importantly, by situating the data within each contextual setting. In this chapter we have used trauma pathology, or physical injury, to look at lifeways. The individual experience is important, but by examining the bodies of individuals it is possible to see patterns in

in Early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries
Duncan Sayer

a performance meant for just a few members of a subgroup of funerary participants, united with a shared memory and a shared connection to the deceased. Equally, the weapons located in the Apple Down and Orpington graves were part of an aesthetic combination appealing to the participants because they epitomised the qualities of a shared social class. Even at these two sites, spears had multiple meanings, appearing both in weapon combinations and singly within the graves of different people buried in separate areas of the cemeteries. In doing social archaeology

in Early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries