Open Access (free)
Interpreting Violence on Healthcare in the Early Stage of the South Sudanese Civil War

Introduction 1 On 15 December 2013, only two and a half years after the Republic of South Sudan had become an independent state, the long-simmering tensions between President Salva Kiir and his former vice-president, Riek Machar, erupted into armed clashes in the capital, Juba. War soon broke out. This article seeks to document and analyse violence affecting the provision of healthcare by Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and its intended beneficiaries in the early stage of the current civil war in South Sudan. 2 It focuses on the first few months of the war and on

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

story was shared more than 300,000 times ( Dzieza, 2014 ) and may have contributed to the wider landscape of panic and xenophobia surrounding the epidemic. Online disinformation has also exacerbated conflict. In South Sudan, the UN reports that social media ‘has been used by partisans on all sides, including some senior government officials, to exaggerate incidents, spread falsehoods and veiled threats, or post outright messages of incitement’ ( UN Security Council, 2016 : 10). In one instance, a false news story, published on the website

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

does the language of civilian protection refer to ‘targets’. In line with these differences, people with very different professional profiles are responsible for staff security as compared with civilian protection. An advert for a ‘Staff Safety and Resilience Manager’ for World Vision in South Sudan, for example, lists ‘police/law enforcement or military training’ among the requirements ( World Vision, 2018 ). Military-consulting firms have been hired by humanitarian agencies to conduct threat assessments and to provide advice and training on staff security to

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

it is no longer possible, if it ever was, to separate relief workers’ political convictions about what the EU should stand for from their ethical commitment to helping people in need, rescuing people in danger of losing their lives and helping refugees once they have arrived. The problem is that, however overstated, the claim of neutrality has always played an important role in establishing the legitimacy humanitarian action has enjoyed in Europe. In South Sudan in the 1990s, there were two kinds of relief group: those who professed neutrality and

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector

fact that, two and a half decades on, Somalia struggles to shake off its reputation (warranted or not) as a ‘hopeless’ case, and the practical demands of working in such a complex crisis over a long time period, carried particular resonance for participants more immediately concerned with what is occurring in contemporary Syria and South Sudan, for example. The participation of two Somali colleagues (via Skype), along with members of the Somali diaspora, was significant in that sense. It provided an alternative (and frequently highly critical) reading of the workshop

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

twentieth century ’, the director of operations for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) said in 1999 ( Tauxe, 1999 ; emphasis added). With the launch of the ‘War on Terror’ following the 9/11 attacks, violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) have been described as ‘increasingly serious’, culminating – at the time of writing – in systematic attacks on hospitals and other civilian sites in Syria. Similar attacks in Afghanistan, Yemen and South Sudan add to the picture of once respected IHL being trampled. Some offer numbers as evidence, citing the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

scale of human suffering remains prodigious and that for as much good as they do, humanitarians frequently do little in terms of a net reduction in suffering and misery (think Haiti, Syria, Somalia, DRC, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, South Sudan). Much suffering – private violence, civil and gang wars, state predation, poverty, insecurity – is untouched by humanitarian intervention of any kind, yet this is everyday reality for billions of people. One function of the entire humanitarian enterprise might be to obscure root causes and allow those who, en

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

the ultimate target of policies. In February 2013, the PSCF was signed by eleven countries (DRC, Angola, Republic of Congo, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, Central African Republic (CAR), Burundi, Rwanda, South Sudan and Zambia) with UN, AU, Southern African Development Community and International Conference on the Great Lakes Region representatives as witnesses (Framework Agreement 2013). This agreement recognised the need for greater commitment to peace on the part of the DRC, countries of the broader region and donors. It placed particular responsibilities on

in Everyday resistance, peacebuilding and state-making

yet possesses – functions as the authoritative barometer of full recognition and hence inclusion in the international society of states. Clearly, great powers matter. To that end, Milena Sterio has proposed a ‘great power theory’ of self-determination to explain why East Timor and South Sudan became sovereign, but Chechnya, South Ossetia and Abkhazia (to which we add Taiwan and

in Recognition and Global Politics

voluntarily returned were South Sudanese who lost their temporary protection in 2012 on the ground that South Sudan was considered a safe place by the government. Following this government decision, more than 1,300 South Sudanese were returned to the newly independent state (Lijnders 2013 ). Other asylum seekers from Eritrea and Sudan detained in Holot and in the prison of Saharonim were also encouraged to

in Security/ Mobility