The Labour Party, pacifism
and the SpanishCivilWar
On 18 September 1931 Japan invaded China on the pretext that a
Japanese railway in Manchuria had suffered from Chinese sabotage.
Japanese troops over-ran Manchuria and set up a puppet state. China
appealed to the League of Nations for assistance under Article 11 of
the Covenant, and the League responded by asking Japan to evacuate
the territory it had occupied. Japan, which had signed up to the
Covenant of the League of Nations and the Briand-Kellogg Pact
This is the first book in a two-volume set that traces the evolution of the Labour Party's foreign policy throughout the twentieth century and into the early years of the new millennium. It is a comprehensive study of the political ideology and history of the Labour Party's world-view and foreign policy. The set argues that the development of Labour's foreign policy perspective should be seen not as the development of a socialist foreign policy, but as an application of the ideas of liberal internationalism. The first volume outlines and assesses the early development and evolution of Labour's world-view. It then follows the course of the Labour Party's foreign policy during a tumultuous period on the international stage, including the First World War, the Russian Revolution, the Spanish Civil War, the build-up to and violent reality of the Second World War, and the start of the Cold War. The book provides an analysis of Labour's foreign policy during this period, in which Labour experienced power for the first time.
This article considers how the reburial and commemoration of the human remains of the
Republican defeated during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) is affected by the social,
scientific and political context in which the exhumations occur. Focusing on a particular
case in the southwestern region of Extremadura, it considers how civil society groups
administer reburial acts when a positive identification through DNA typing cannot be
attained. In so doing, the article examines how disparate desires and memories come
together in collective reburial of partially individuated human remains.
Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, Spain has experienced a cycle of
exhumations of the mass graves of the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) and has rediscovered
that the largest mass grave of the state is the monument that glorifies the Franco regime:
the Valley of the Fallen. Building work in the Sierra de Guadarrama, near Madrid, was
begun in 1940 and was not completed until 1958. This article analyses for the first time
the regimes wish, from the start of the works, for the construction of the Valley of the
Fallen to outdo the monument of El Escorial. At the same time the regime sought to create
a new location to sanctify the dictatorship through the vast transfer to its crypts of the
remains of the dead of the opposing sides of the war.
During the Spanish Civil War, extrajudicial executions and disappearances of political
opponents took place and their corpses were buried in unregistered mass graves. The
absence of an official policy by successive democratic governments aimed at the
investigation of these cases, the identification and exhumation of mass graves, together
with legal obstacles, have prevented the victims families from obtaining reparation,
locating and recovering the human remains. This paper argues that this state of affairs is
incompatible with international human rights law and Spain should actively engage in the
search for the whereabouts and identification of the bodies with all the available
vehemently denounced militarism in the run-up to the outbreak of the
First World War, but once war was declared the party’s policy was to
support the government and not threaten the war effort. As was
discussed in Chapter 3, the party flirted with various forms of pacifism
in the early 1930s, but this was rejected in the face of the rising threat
of fascism. Certainly the party has tended to be against the use of force
while in opposition, seeing it as resulting in war, but this policy was
discredited by the failure of the non-intervention pact on the SpanishCivilWar
In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
Missing persons and colonial skeletons in South Africa
working in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission and in the Missing
Persons Task Team (MPTT). Thanks to Ciraj Rassool, Madeleine Fullard,
and members of a graduate reading group on the dead body – Riedwaan
Moosage, Bianca van Laun, and Aidan Erasmus – for comments and
many stimulating discussions.
This contrasts with a growing literature on issues of memory and materiality, much of which arises from recent SpanishCivilWar exhumations.
See, for example, F. Ferrándiz, ‘Cries and whispers: exhuming and narrating defeat in Spain today’, Journal of Spanish
Challenges and technological solutions to the identification of individuals in mass grave scenarios in the modern context
Gillian Fowler and Tim Thompson
some cases given
false hope to family members who perceive DNA technology as an
all-encompassing solution. They are then disappointed if an identification is not possible, and may feel misled by the whole process. In
his recent work, Francisco Ferrándiz highlights this very issue with
the identification of victims of the SpanishCivilWar.5 The science of
identification is fallible and care must be taken not to present these
advances as a solution with a guaranteed outcome. There are numerous challenges that exist that hinder an identification being made.
her children, to find work, to organise legal proceedings,
to appoint a lawyer, confront the police, the administration, the army’ .
SHAT 1H2461/1, note of Commandant Bouraix, 23 January 1959.
Feraoun, Journal, 242–3, 257.
The reassertion of male authority and gender roles on the termination
of conflict can be found in many historical situations: see for example in
relation to the SpanishCivilWar, Mary Nash, Defying Male Civilization:
Women in the SpanishCivilWar (Denver, Colo.: Areden Press, 1995),
and Shirley Mangini, Memories of Resistance: Women’s Voices