A new Swedishmodel? Swedish social
democracy at the crossroads
Sweden has for a long time been viewed as a paradigmatic case for progressive politics. Swedish social democracy, to which the progressive character
of such politics was attributed, could legitimately claim to have mastered
the historic task of the revisionist Left: building a societal coalition around
the goal of enhancing social welfare for all, while safeguarding the profitability of business and delivering economic growth. When economic crisis
hit home in the
This book considers the underlying causes of the end of social democracy's golden age. It argues that the cross-national trend in social democratic parties since the 1970s has been towards an accommodation with neo-liberalism and a corresponding dilution of traditional social democratic commitments. The book looks at the impact of the change in economic conditions on social democracy in general, before examining the specific cases of Germany, Sweden and Australia. It examines the ideological crisis that engulfed social democracy. The book also looks at the post-1970 development of social policy, its fiscal implications and economic consequences in three European countries. It considers the evolution of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) from its re-emergence as a significant political force during the 1970s until the present day under José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero. The book also examines the evolution of the Swedish model in conjunction with social democratic reformism and the party's relations to the union movement. It explores the latest debate about what the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) stands for. The SPD became the role model for programmatic modernisation for the European centre-left. The book considers how British socialist and social democratic thought from the late nineteenth century to the present has treated the objective of helping people to fulfil their potential, talents and ambitions. It aims to contribute to a broader conversation about the future of social democracy by considering ways in which the political thought of 'third way' social democracy might be radicalised for the twenty-first century.
Sweden is seen as a forerunner in environmental and ecological policy. This book is about policies and strategies for ecologically rational governance, and uses the Swedish case study to ask whether or not it is possible to move from a traditional environmental policy to a broad, integrated pursuit of sustainable development, as illustrated through the ‘Sustainable Sweden’ programme. It begins by looking at the spatial dimensions of ecological governance, and goes on to consider the integration and effectiveness of sustainable development policies. The book analyses the tension between democracy and sustainable development, which has a broader relevance beyond the Swedish model, to other nation states as well as the European Union as a whole. It offers the latest word in advanced implementation of sustainable development.
Given the significant similarities and differences between the welfare states of Northern Europe and their reactions to the perceived 'refugee crisis' of 2015, the book focuses primarily on the three main cases of Denmark, Sweden and Germany. Placed in a wider Northern European context – and illustrated by those chapters that also discuss refugee experiences in Norway and the UK – the Danish, Swedish and German cases are the largest case studies of this edited volume. Thus, the book contributes to debates on the governance of non-citizens and the meaning of displacement, mobility and seeking asylum by providing interdisciplinary analyses of a largely overlooked region of the world, with two specific aims. First, we scrutinize the construction of the 2015 crisis as a response to the large influx of refugees, paying particular attention to the disciplinary discourses and bureaucratic structures that are associated with it. Second, we investigate refugees’ encounters with these bureaucratic structures and consider how these encounters shape hopes for building a new life after displacement. This allows us to show that the mobility of specific segments of the world’s population continues to be seen as a threat and a risk that has to be governed and controlled. Focusing on the Northern European context, our volume interrogates emerging policies and discourses as well as the lived experiences of bureaucratization from the perspective of individuals who find themselves the very objects of bureaucracies.
, suggesting in particular that joint enterprise councils and incomes policies
should not be applied in Britain because they were inappropriate to the national
context (1956: 342, 458). Hence, although impressed by the Swedish social democrats’ electoral success, Crosland believed the programme that underpinned it held
little relevance to Britain. Hence the absence of a detailed critical engagement with
Swedish politics is unsurprising because central aspects of the Swedishmodel were
far removed from the one that Crosland lays out. In his discussion of wages, for
thirty-nine years for the next pandemic to hit
Sweden in 1957. During the intervening period, liberals and then social
democrats were firmly in power, universal suffrage was instituted, and the
welfare state was largely in place. What was to become known as the
‘Swedishmodel’ of agreement between conflicting interest groups in
the labour market was signed in 1938.
The fact that influenza is a viral disease was shown
Institutions and the challenges of refugee governance
invading mass, which triggers anxiety and frustration
instead of sympathy and support (Brune, 2000). Specifically, refugees tend
to be ‘described as objects of various control measures, while representatives of the Swedish government, who are the focus of interest, emerge as
a brave-but-tired everyone’s salvation army’ (Brune, 2000, p. 11; see also
Hultén, 2007). Both Brune and Hultén stress the ways media homogenise
the refugee/immigrant populations while separating them from the Swedish
host. Additionally, faith is put in the Swedishmodel of cooperation and
On the possibility of sustainability and democracy in advanced industrial nations
Lennart J. Lundqvist
. As was just said, the ‘Swedishmodel’ that developed
when Sweden was building the social welfare state involved close
co-operation between the democratic and administrative organs
of the state on the one hand, and organised social and economic
interests on the other. The post-war Swedish politics aiming at
sustainable social welfare and economic growth is best characterised as a search for collectivist and corporatist rather than
individualistic and pluralistic processes and solutions. When the
Social-Democratic government evoked the vision of a ‘Green
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