Editor: Peter Burnell

Democratization is a major political phenomenon of the age and has been the focus of a burgeoning political science literature. This book considers democratization across a range of disciplines, from anthropology and economics, to sociology, law and area studies. The construction of democratization as a unit of study reflects the intellectual standpoint of the inquirer. The book highlights the use of normative argument to legitimize the exercise of power. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy. The book outlines what a feminist framework might be and analyses feminist engagements with the theory and practice of democratization. It also shows how historians have contributed to the understanding of the processes of democratization. International Political Economy (IPE) has always had the potential to cut across the levels-of-analysis distinction. A legal perspective on democratization is presented by focusing on a tightly linked set of issues straddling the border between political and judicial power as they have arisen. Classic and contemporary sociological approaches to understanding democracy and democratization are highlighted, with particular attention being accorded to the post-1989 period. The book displays particularities within a common concern for institutional structures and their performance, ranging over the representation of women, electoral systems and constitutions (in Africa) and presidentialism (in Latin America). Both Europe and North America present in their different ways a kind of bridge between domestic and international dimensions of democratization.

The Tokugawa, the Zheng maritime network, and the Dutch East India Company
Adam Clulow and Xing Hang

8 Restraining violence on the seas: the Tokugawa, the Zheng maritime network, and the Dutch East India Company Adam Clulow and Xing Hang In 1665, the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie or VOC) called in its fleet. Intended to strike back against the sprawling Zheng maritime network, which had successfully evicted the Dutch from their colony on Taiwan, the fleet had been sent to restore the Company’s damaged prestige in the region while netting valuable goods. Instead, the governor-general had been forced to declare that all Zheng

in A global history of early modern violence
Obama’s legacy in US China Policy
Peter Gries

). Trump has undermined the regional position of the United States and its Asian allies, and initiated a damaging trade war with China. Together with Chinese President Xi Jinping, Trump is also undermining stability in the Taiwan Strait. To make this argument, the chapter begins with Obama and his administration’s broader foreign policy orientation. It then examines his Pivot to Asia, and his plans for a reset of US–China relations. It next explores the events of 2008 that conspired to undermine the prospects for improving US–China relations even before the Obama

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific

By expanding the geographical scope of the history of violence and war, this volume challenges both Western and state-centric narratives of the decline of violence and its relationship to modernity. It highlights instead similarities across early modernity in terms of representations, legitimations, applications of, and motivations for violence. It seeks to integrate methodologies of the study of violence into the history of war, thereby extending the historical significance of both fields of research. Thirteen case studies outline the myriad ways in which large-scale violence was understood and used by states and non-state actors throughout the early modern period across Africa, Asia, the Americas, the Atlantic, and Europe, demonstrating that it was far more complex than would be suggested by simple narratives of conquest and resistance. Moreover, key features of imperial violence apply equally to large-scale violence within societies. As the authors argue, violence was a continuum, ranging from small-scale, local actions to full-blown war. The latter was privileged legally and increasingly associated with states during early modernity, but its legitimacy was frequently contested and many of its violent forms, such as raiding and destruction of buildings and crops, could be found in activities not officially classed as war.

Washington’s painful search for a credible China policy
Börje Ljunggren

two countries had agreed to respect each other’s “core interests”. From the Chinese perspective that meant Tibet, Xinjiang, Taiwan and even the South China Sea, and suggested that Obama might be a weak president; maybe even another Jimmy Carter. Indeed, despite Obama’s efforts to create a collegial climate, the visit was not a success – not in Beijing, and certainly not in Washington. Obama was only allowed to address a select public gathering in Shanghai and at home Obama was not seen to be standing up for his country’s interests as the world’s hegemonic power

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific
Open Access (free)
Shaun Breslin

set of states that have seen considerable moves towards 170 AREAS Table 11.1 Freedom House ratings for East Asian countries, 2001–2 Country Burma Cambodia China (PRC) Indonesia Japan Korea (North) Korea (South) Laos Malaysia Mongolia Philippines Singapore Taiwan Thailand Vietnam Political rights Civil liberties Rating Per capita GNP (PPP US$) 7 6 7 3 1 7 2 7 5 2 2 5 1 2 7 7 5 6 4 2 7 2 6 5 3 3 5 2 3 6 NF NF NF PF F NF F NF PF F F PF F F NF 1,500 1,500 4,300 3,000 27,200 1,000 18,000 1,630 9,000 1,770 4,000 24,700 17,200 6,600 2,100 Notes: F = Free; PF

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
Tony Addison

vigorous following the adoption of universal adult franchise at independence – but otherwise the case for democracy in poor countries was mostly neglected. From the 1950s to the 1980s, economic success enabled the authoritarian governments of South Korea and Taiwan to achieve a large measure of popular support despite the absence of democracy and notwithstanding serious human rights abuses. This lesson was taken to heart by the Chinese Communist Party, which began the transition to a market economy in the 1970s, the resulting economic growth thereby enabling the party to

in Democratization through the looking-glass
South Korea’s development of a hepatitis B vaccine and national prevention strategy focused on newborns
Eun Kyung Choi and Young-Gyung Paik

transmission route emerges In 1975 studies of 1,000 birth mothers in Taiwan showed that hepatitis B virus could be transmitted by the maternal-fetal route. 17 This work suggested that the maternal transmission of the hepatitis virus could be more prevalent in a hepatitis-endemic area than the transmission through sexual contacts or through the use of a contaminated needle. However, maternal transmission had not been proven in

in The politics of vaccination
Open Access (free)
Issues, debates and an overview of the crisis
Shalendra D. Sharma

September and October, the currencies of Taiwan and Singapore came under intense pressure. While both countries managed to avoid Table 1.1 Rate of currency depreciation 1997–98 (local currency per US dollar) 2 July 1997 End Sept. 1998 Rate of dep. (%) July 1997–Sept. 1998 26.38 2,341.92 24.40 2.57 885.74 43.80 10,638.30 38.99 3.80 1,369.86 66.10 354.30 59.80 47.80 54.70 Philippine peso Indonesian rupiah Thai baht Malaysian ringgit Korean won Source: OECD (1999, 249). 1 The Asian financial crisis full-blown financial crises, both were, nevertheless, forced to

in The Asian financial crisis
Autopilot, neglect or worse?
Nick Bisley

were sent about what Trump might mean for the region. Perhaps none more so was the telephone conversation with Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen. Since the cessation of diplomatic relations with Taiwan, no president or president-elect has communicated directly with the leader of the Republic of China. The call was carefully planned and communicated effusively. 19 But quite what it meant was again not at all clear. Would the United States ditch the One China policy, the anchor of its regional engagement since the 1970s? Or was this a first step in some grand bargain

in The United States in the Indo-Pacific