Until the beginning of the twentieth century, in the Kabye country, some heads of enemies – those of men foreign to the group – were buried in a mound of earth referred to as hude, meaning ‘manure’. In each locality, this mound is situated inside a wooded sanctuary where the spirit of the mythical founding ancestor resides. In order to understand this practice, this article examines how it fitted within the overall logic of the male initiation cycle, contextualising it in relation to past and present practices. Because it was a highly ambivalent element of the bush, the head of an enemy renewed the generative power of this original ‘manure’ prodigiously, so as to ensure the group’s survival in their land. The burial of the heads of strangers appears to be an initiatory variant of other forms of mastery of the ambivalence of wild forces, entrusted in other African societies to the chief and his waste heap.
regimes to create ruling parties and then to stage façade elections (Zaire, Togo, Benin, Sudan) testifies to rulers’ recognition of the legitimation function of elections. And the re-establishment of constitutions providing for elections in post-military Ghana (1969 and 1979), Nigeria (1979), Uganda (1980), Upper Volta (1978–80) and the Central African Republic (1980–81), as well as multipartyisms’s re-introduction in Senegal (1976) indicated the continuing faith of some elites in the utility of elections. But the unevenness of Africa’s electoral experience created a
Colonial powers and Ethiopian frontiers 1880–1884 is the fourth volume of Acta Aethiopica, a series that presents original Ethiopian documents of nineteenth-century Ethiopian history with English translations and scholarly notes. The documents have been collected from dozens of archives in Africa and Europe to recover and present the Ethiopian voice in the history of Ethiopia in the nineteenth century. The present book, the first Acta Aethiopica volume to appear from Lund University Press, deals with how Ethiopian rulers related to colonial powers in their attempts to open Ethiopia for trade and technological development while preserving the integrity and independence of their country. In addition to the correspondence and treatises with the rulers and representatives of Italy, Egypt and Great Britain, the volume also presents letters dealing with ecclesiastical issues, including the Ethiopian community in Jerusalem.
should have been found guilty of conventional war crimes and received death sentences. Röling approved the death sentences for Doihara, Itagaki, Kimura, Matsui, Muto, and Tojo, but he considered that Hirota, whom the majority had sentenced to death, Hata Shunroku, Kido, and Hirota, who had received life imprisonment, and Togo Shigenori, and Shigemitsu, who had been awarded prison terms of twenty and seven years, respectively, should have been acquitted.57 With respect to Hirota, Röling felt that while he might have been guilty of political immorality he did not belong
African states led by Cameroon, Liberia, Nigeria and Togo, which held a meeting in Monrovia on 8–12 May 1961. The ‘Monrovia group’ would soon include 22 African countries. These states were more moderate in their approach towards the Congo. In general, their insistence on pan-Africanism was not as ‘enthusiastic’ as that of the Casablanca group. 107 On 22 July 1961, the Congolese Parliament reconvened
relative emphasis and mutual entailment for different populations, or for the same population in different affective states, becomes the ethnographic question’ ( 2007 : 413), an issue that the work of Irmelin Joelsson in this volume situates in contemporary Dar es Salaam (see also the work on Togo by Pinot, 2010 ). The shift towards the temporal rhythms of neoliberal economic knowledge systems was itself a reconfigured relationship between legal and utility logics in the law and economics tradition emerging from economists such as Ronald Coase in the
heard about God. When she was dead, I lived for two years with my sick father, carried water, collected firewood in the forest and baked our bread. I found this tedious and often became impatient and angry and longed to go back to the school. God heard my prayer, and now I am back here and can hear from the word of God how much he has loved me, a sinner. I thank the Lord for his great mercy towards me. You ask if I am good; this I want to be, but I have a wicked heart. Pray for me that I may become good and love Jesus more than I do. Here in school I learn much
and Fund on the Transfer of Real Resources to Developing Countries, DC/99–29, Washington, 22 September. Krueger, A. O. (1995), Political Economy of Policy Reform in Developing Countries, Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. Laidler, M. (1991), ‘Programming Lomé IV’, The Courier, no. 128, pp. 8–10. Lomé IV (1989), ‘Fourth ACP–EEC Convention signed in Lomé, Togo on 15 December 1989’, The Courier (1990), no. 120. Lomé IV-bis (1995), ‘Fourth ACP–EC Convention of Lomé as revised by the agreement signed in Mauritius on 4 November 1995’, in The Courier (1996), no. 155
the World Bank. While sometimes claiming to speak for ‘the Global South’, the BRICS often operate – especially, for instance, in African mining investments – as ‘sub-imperialists’ if not imperialists. The work of Ana Garcia, Vijay Prashad and Patrick Bond is particularly helpful in getting to grips with ‘the rise of the BRICS’. 8 Benin, Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Guinea-Bissau, Mail, Niger, Senegal and Togo (UEMOA group); and