Open Access (free)
Burying the victims of Europe’s border in a Tunisian coastal town
Valentina Zagaria

The Mediterranean Sea has recently become the deadliest of borders for illegalised travellers. The victims of the European Union’s liquid border are also found near North African shores. The question of how and where to bury these unknown persons has recently come to the fore in Zarzis, a coastal town in south-east Tunisia. Everyone involved in these burials – the coastguards, doctors, Red Crescent volunteers, municipality employees – agree that what they are doing is ‘wrong’. It is neither dignified nor respectful to the dead, as the land used as a cemetery is an old waste dump, and customary attitudes towards the dead are difficult to realise. This article will first trace how this situation developed, despite the psychological discomfort of all those affected. It will then explore how the work of care and dignity emerges within this institutional chain, and what this may tell us about what constitutes the concept of the human.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Open Access (free)
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
Tom Scott-Smith

& Hudson ). Taylor , A. ( 2016 ), ‘ A Dutch Architect’s Plan to Put Europe’s Refugees on a Man-made Island near Tunisia ’, Washington Post , 1 June . Turner , J. F. C. ( 1972 ), ‘ Housing as a Verb ’, in Turner , J. F. C. and Fichter

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Neil Macmaster

responded to by adopting forms of counteremancipation. However, two events during July–August 1956 made a big impact on French opinion and created a general climate in which the issue of Muslim women moved onto the agenda. In July the European public was astonished to see in the press photographs of three young nurses in military uniform who had been captured by the army in the maquis, images that shattered the Orientalist stereotype of secluded and powerless Muslim women.2 A few weeks later, on 13 and 19 August, the newly independent states of Tunisia and Morocco

in Burning the veil
‘Locals’ and ‘Moroccans’ in the Sainte-Foy-Bordeaux vineyards
Chantal Crenn

identity, a phenomenon with multiple dimensions: certainly geographical, but also historical, cultural, symbolic, and maybe even poetical. In this chapter, we will mention, in addition to those who call themselves native, not only the peoples who came mainly from Morocco to work as farm workers in some of the Bordeaux vineyards in the 1960s and 1970s, but also those from Tunisia or Algeria. These workers settled there, and their families remain to this day. It is interesting to note that in the field of interethnic relations and international migration, the countryside

in Alternative countrysides
Neil Macmaster

socialist position, to highly traditionalist, religious inspired, patriarchal authoritarianism. But the overall climate within the ALN was conservative, a reflection of the values of the male peasantry, and truly radical officers were very few in number and remained isolated. What glimmering there was of more innovative policies or practices on the ground, as in Wilayas II (Constantinois) and IV (Algiers),3 was brought to a halt by the central decision in late 1957 to withdraw women from the maquis to Tunisia and Morocco, and there to reassert a harsh discipline over

in Burning the veil
Raymond Hinnebusch

constitutions which defined the nation as the Arab nation, with only Lebanon and Tunisia referring to a Lebanese and Tunisian nationhood (Ayubi 1995: 146). Uniquely in the Arab world, not this or that border, but state boundaries in general, have been seen by many Arabs to be arbitrarily and externally imposed at the expense of Arabism, and hence lack the legitimacy and sanctity they enjoy elsewhere. At the level of formal ideology, this sentiment was manifest in the doctrines of Pan-Arab nationalism which viewed all Arabic speakers as forming a nation, the states of which

in The international politics of the Middle East
Open Access (free)
The failure of history
Neil Macmaster

-dominated organisation in which the values of the warrior rested on a conservative view of female domesticity and subordination, should have had any interest in the plight of Algerian women. A complex of factors contributed to this innovative shift: faced with significant progressive reform of family law in Tunisia, Morocco and elsewhere, the French government did not want to be seen to fall behind and to give a hostage to those interests that were seeking to pillory French colonialism before the UN and the M1822 - MACMASTER TEXT.indd 395 21/7/09 12:16:33 396 Burning the veil

in Burning the veil
Eşref Aksu

would, however, soon become an ‘internal’ party to an intra-state crisis, and would use this provision to its own benefit in the civil war. A strong disagreement soon emerged within the Security Council as to whether the first operative paragraph (i.e. Belgian withdrawal) depended on the second (i.e. UN guarantee of law and order). The Soviet Union, Poland, Tunisia, Ecuador, and Ceylon argued that

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Neil Macmaster

number of girls or young women who came from relatively well-off families and had received a sound education to secondary level. The urban middleclass elites were deeply divided politically, culturally and linguistically between a francophone and francophile strata that had been educated within the French lycée system and were closely tied to the colonial state as junior civil servants, teachers, lawyers and technicians, and a class of Arab speakers who, educated in the reformist médersa and in the universities of Tunisia (Zitouna) and Egypt (El Azhar), remained deeply

in Burning the veil