Village rebellion and social violence in early
Vũ Đức Liêm
Ban cung sinh dao tac.
Misery creates banditry.
In summer 1834, Nguyen Khac Hai, the lieutenant governor of Bac Ninh province
(forty kilometres to the north of Hanoi), led a mission to inspect local dykes. In
the middle of the tour, Hai was ambushed by armed men who came to be known in
the imperial records as ‘bandits’ (phi).1 Taken by surprise, most of Hai’s escort of
officials and troops were killed before he retreated to a nearby village to summon
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian
’ personnel bearing that same emblem, based on
the Swiss flag, in homage to the country hosting the conference.
The Geneva Conventions have evolved, filling out with each successive conference, and
their scope has been broadened to include the shipwrecked (1906), prisoners (1929)
and civilian populations (1949). ‘Additional protocols’ were adopted
in 1977, in the wake of the wars of decolonisation and the Vietnam War, to cover
‘irregular’ forces in domestic conflicts. The original
that the major Western powers have been complicit in creating
(think Vietnam, Congo, Cambodia, Iraq, Syria, to name just a few).
All of which confronts humanitarians with an existential choice. How might they function in a
world which doesn’t have liberal institutions at its core? Human rights activists struggle
given they rely on broad international agreement – treaties, customary law, courts,
Western foreign-policy support – to do their work. Is humanitarianism any different? The
version of global humanitarianism with which we are familiar might
Marie-Luce Desgrandchamps, Lasse Heerten, Arua Oko Omaka, Kevin O'Sullivan, and Bertrand Taithe
, these references also lead us into the global 1960s. It is only partly true
that Biafra was the first postcolonial conflict that was discussed as a genocide
– but the way these references worked changed with Biafra. Already before the
American war in South East Asia, what is usually called the Vietnam War was then
described as possibly genocidal. This was something that many New Leftists at least
were concerned about. Some of their leading figures and intellectuals associated
As a technology able to picture and embody the temporality of the past, cinema has become central to the mediation of memory in modern cultural life. The memory of film scenes and movies screens, cinema and cinema-going, has become integral to the placement and location of film within the cultural imagination of this century and the last. This book is a sustained, interdisciplinary perspective on memory and film from early cinema to the present. The first section examines the relationship between official and popular history and the constitution of memory narratives in and around the production and consumption of American cinema. The second section examines the politics of memory in a series of chapters that take as their focus three pivotal sites of national conflict in postwar America. This includes the war in Vietnam, American race relations and the Civil Rights Movement, and the history of marginality in the geographic and cultural borderlands of the US. The book explores the articulation of Vietnam. The final section concentrates on the issue of mediation; it explores how technological and semiotic shifts in the cultural terrain have influenced the coding and experience of memory in contemporary cinema. It considers both the presence of music and colour in nostalgia films of the 1990s and the impact of digital and video technologies on the representational determinants of mediated memory. The book also examines the stakes of cultural remembering in the United States and the means by which memory has been figured through Hollywood cinema.
This book is based mainly on government sources, namely material from the White House, State Department, Foreign Office (FO), Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO), Prime Minister's Office (PREM) and Cabinet (CAB). Private papers consulted include those of Harold Wilson, Foreign Secretary George Brown and Undersecretary of State George Ball. The book explores a period of the Wilson-Johnson relationship. It considers the seven weeks from Wilson's election until he went to see Lyndon B. Johnson on 7-9 December, a formative period in which Britain cultivated American financial support and which saw pre-summit diplomacy over the NATO Multilateral Force (MLF). The book covers the summit in detail, examining the diplomatic exchanges over the Vietnam War, the British commitment East of Suez and the MLF, as well as the interplay of personality between Wilson and Johnson. By exploring the relationship of the two leaders in the years 1964-1968, it seeks to examine their respective attitudes to the Anglo-American relationship. The book then assesses the significance of an alleged Anglo-American strategic-economic 'deal', Wilson's 'Commonwealth Peace Mission' to Vietnam, and another Wilson visit to Washington. It also considers why the personal relationship between Johnson and Wilson suffered such strain when the Labour government 'dissociated' the UK from the latest American measures in Vietnam. Next, the book addresses the period from August 1966-September 1967, during which Wilson launched an intense but abortive effort to initiate peace negotiations over Vietnam, and London announced plans to withdraw from military bases East of Suez.
In this chapter I want to explore,
within a context of culture and power, the complex relations between
memory and desire. 1 More
specifically, I want to connect 1980s Hollywood representations of
America’s war in Vietnam (what I will call
‘Hollywood’s Vietnam’) with George Bush’s
campaign, in late 1990 and early 1991, to win support for US involvement
This book charts and analyses the work of Oliver Stone – arguably one of the foremost political filmmakers in Hollywood during the last thirty years. Drawing on previously unseen production files from Oliver Stone’s personal archives and hours of interviews both with Stone and a range of present and former associates within the industry, the book employs a thematic structure to explore Stone’s life and work in terms of war, politics, money, love and corporations. This allows the authors both to provide a synthesis of earlier and later film work as well as locate that work within Stone’s developing critique of government. The book explores the development of aesthetic changes in Stone’s filmmaking and locates those changes within ongoing academic debates about the relationship between film and history as well as wider debates about Hollywood and the film industry. All of this is explored with detailed reference to the films themselves and related to a set of wider concerns that Stone has sought to grapple with -the American Century, exceptionalism and the American Dream, global empire, government surveillance and corporate accountability. The book concludes with a perspective on Stone’s ‘brand’ as not just an auteur and commercially viable independent filmmaker but as an activist arguing for a very distinct kind of American exceptionalism that seeks a positive role for the US globally whilst eschewing military adventurism.
From January to April 1965 the
character of the Wilson–Johnson relationship traversed the spectrum
from discord to cordiality. Discord erupted over the Vietnam War when Wilson
telephoned Washington in the early hours of 11 February to suggest to
Johnson an urgent visit to the White House. Wilson later claimed that he
wanted to see the President to try to ensure that there was no dangerous
reduce their global responsibilities. However, Johnson
overrode his National Security Adviser, McGeorge Bundy, who maintained that
the United States should support sterling only if the British committed
troops to Vietnam, as well as maintaining their existing defence
commitments: ‘a battalion would be worth a billion’. 1 The President, however, was
sensitive to the impression that might be conveyed if the United States