Postsocialist, post-conflict, postcolonial?

This book explains theoretical work in postcolonial and postsocialist studies to offer a novel and distinctive insight into how Yugoslavia is configured by, and through, race. It presents the history of how ideas of racialised difference have been translated globally in Yugoslavia. The book provides a discussion on the critical race scholarship, global historical sociologies of 'race in translation' and south-east European cultural critique to show that the Yugoslav region is deeply embedded in global formations of race. It considers the geopolitical imagination of popular culture; the history of ethnicity; and transnational formations of race before and during state socialism, including the Non-Aligned Movement. The book also considers the post-Yugoslav discourses of security, migration, terrorism and international intervention, including the War on Terror and the refugee crisis. It elaborates how often-neglected aspects of the history of nationhood and migration reveal connections that tie the region into the global history of race. The book also explains the linkage between ethnic exclusivism and territory in the ethnopolitical logic of the Bosnian conflict and in the internationally mediated peace agreements that enshrined it: 'apartheid cartography'. Race and whiteness remained perceptible in post-war Bosnian identity discourses as new, open-ended forms of post-conflict international intervention developed.

Editor’s Introduction

accelerate the professionalisation of the aid sector ( Fiori et al ., 2016 ). But at the turn of the millennium, there were indications of a downturn in the influence of humanitarian ideas on Western geostrategy. The strategic value of humanitarian intervention diminished as the US launched its totalising war on terror. Humanitarianism was little more than an afterthought to the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq. Since then, despite the continued rise in donations to humanitarian agencies, the political currency of liberal humanitarianism and its

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian Principles

twentieth century ’, the director of operations for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) said in 1999 ( Tauxe, 1999 ; emphasis added). With the launch of the ‘War on Terror’ following the 9/11 attacks, violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) have been described as ‘increasingly serious’, culminating – at the time of writing – in systematic attacks on hospitals and other civilian sites in Syria. Similar attacks in Afghanistan, Yemen and South Sudan add to the picture of once respected IHL being trampled. Some offer numbers as evidence, citing the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

victims. For a couple of decades it was successful in publicly challenging Western foreign policy in Africa, Latin America and Southeast Asia ( Duffield, 2007 : 51–4). Having once exercised a moral leadership, however, after a long struggle against donor absorption and UN control, an international direct humanitarian engagement finally yielded amid the horrors of Iraq and Syria. The War on Terror imposed limitations. Compared to the 1970s and 1980s, humanitarian agencies found their political room for manoeuvre significantly restricted ( BOND, 2003 ). At

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

( Whitman, 2017 ), or to slavery and genocide against Native Americans, or forward again to the use of mass incarceration by liberals in the US more recently ( Murakawa, 2014 ). We can add torture by the British government in Aden and Northern Ireland and more recently, as we well know, US torture in the ‘war on terror’. These are just the examples that come to mind. There are many more. Yet, having said all of that, it remains a core liberal belief that, broadly speaking, things are moving in the right direction morally. That things are getting better

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Staff Security and Civilian Protection in the Humanitarian Sector

. Terry , F. ( 2000 ), The Limits and Risks of Regulation Mechanisms for Humanitarian Action . Paris : MSF CRASH . UNHCR ( n.d. ), Humanitarian Evacuations in Violence and Armed Conflict . Geneva : United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees . Weissman , F. ( 2011 ), ‘ Silence heals…. From the Cold War to the War on Terror, MSF Speaks Out: A Brief History ’, in Magone , C. , Neuman , M. and Weissman , F. (eds), Humanitarian Negotiations Revealed: The MSF Experience ( London : Hurst ), pp. 177 – 97 . Weissman , F. ( 2016 ), ‘ Violence against

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
From Afghanistan to Iraq

spats and divisions within Europe over US policy towards Iraq revealed, in a very vivid way, the limits to and peculiarities of Germany’s approach to the use of force. This chapter continues the analysis of the evolution of German security policy, with a focus on the role of the armed forces between 2000 and 2003. This time-frame takes in Germany’s leadership role in Macedonia, Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan, as well as the US-led war on terror as its enlargement to include Iraq. German security policy during this time exhibited traits of both old and new

in Germany and the use of force
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 alone its later manifestation suggested by the ‘War on Terror’. Stone’s early life and career were dominated by the effects of Vietnam. Much later with Nixon (1995), Stone was still piecing together his personal and cinematic treatise on what the country and the conflict meant to himself and his fellow Americans –​and his work has returned to that territory and its wider Cold War ramifications time and again. However, there has been a shift too. His post-​9/​11 films, Alexander (2004), World Trade Center (2006), W. (2008) and Savages (2012) also had plenty to say about

in The cinema of Oliver Stone

Orthodoxy’, yet accommodated Bosnian Muslims within the Croatian people (Kljaić 2015 : 160). In post-9/11 Croatian foreign policy, the Islamic threat against which Croatia performatively stood by joining the War on Terror was global, not Balkan, and the coalition against it was Euro-Atlantic and liberal. So long-lived and flexible was the sixteenth- to eighteenth-century antemurale myth that later forms of identification with transnational whiteness were perhaps grafted on to that very root. While alternative visions of Europeanness and bordering

in Race and the Yugoslav region
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Surveillance and transgender bodies in a post-9/ 11 era of neoliberalism

“In the years following 9/11, the US Department of Homeland Security advanced new security policies as part of the war on terror, including increased scrutiny of identification documents at airports and national borders, that almost never explicitly mention transgender populations. But transgender

in Security/ Mobility