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Visions of episcopacy in seventeenth-century France

This book explores how conceptions of episcopacy (government of a church by bishops) shaped the identity of the bishops of France in the wake of the reforming Council of Trent (1545–63). It demonstrates how the episcopate, initially demoralised by the Wars of Religion, developed a powerful ideology of privilege, leadership and pastorate that enabled it to become a flourishing participant in the religious, political and social life of the ancien regime. The book analyses the attitudes of Tridentine bishops towards their office by considering the French episcopate as a recognisable caste, possessing a variety of theological and political principles that allowed it to dominate the French church.

Open Access (free)
Practices, conflicts, and impact in the sixteenth century
Philippe Rogger

at the pension practices and the friction caused by this flow of money on various levels by focusing on the example of France: conflicts abounded over distribution due to French pensions during the Milanese War, and the relations between the cantons and their western ally were at times severely tested during the French Wars of Religion (1562–1598) because of outstanding pensions. Both The Netherlands and Switzerland Compared, ed. by André Holenstein, Thomas Maissen, and Maarten Prak (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2008), pp. 29–50 (pp. 29–35). Up to 1798

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Alison Forrestal

into the wars of religion (1562–98) which were to cripple it for virtually the remainder of the century. Additionally, the episcopate itself was burdened with several institutional abuses that made the implementation of reforms extremely difficult for even the most dedicated of prelates. In the first place, research has pointed to the geographical dislocation and economic difficulties caused by the wars of religion and to the resulting difficulties for bishops in fulfilling the functions of their office.6 In 1594, Cardinal de Joyeuse complained that two of the eight

in Fathers, pastors and kings
Open Access (free)
The revolt of democratic Christianity and the rise of public opinion
S.J. Barnett

a polity in direct contrast with that of absolutism. Allied with the monarch, French orthodox Catholicism – the state Church and staunch advocate of the divine-right-to-rule theory – had an interest in ensuring that the Huguenot representative polity was not allowed to corrupt the Gallican (French Catholic) Church or the noble parlements. That fear was not groundless paranoia. Although they were a minority and principally confined to the south, the Huguenots had from the beginning been implicitly political, and the result was the sixteenth-century Wars of Religion

in The Enlightenment and religion
Open Access (free)
Svante Norrhem and Erik Thomson

, and Prague. The dynastic ambitions of Charles and his successors depended upon international bankers capable of using his realm’s revenues to raise credit from private capital holders in a variety of financial centres both inside and outside his jurisdiction and finally using specialized bankers to move these funds to realms where he could pay his armies.7 These mechanisms could be used to pay subsidies – including to the Guise early in the French wars of religion and the French Catholic league in the 1590s. French kings from François I to Louis XIV attempted to

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Open Access (free)
Some philosophical obstacles and their resolution
David Heyd

the aftermath of the bloodshed of the wars of religion in the early modern period,12 but can also explain the development of the capacity to tolerate in children. Toleration is, however, trickier than compromise, since it requires the development of a sense of an independent value – that of respect for others. Education to toleration consists in the formation of a capacity to see beliefs and actions not in the light of some impersonally validating criteria but as parts in a coherent whole, constituting a moral personality or character and being the consequence of a

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd

’ War (1618–48) and the wars of religion. Westphalia established the key principle of modern statehood: sovereignty . sovereignty The distinguishing characteristic of the state. Sovereignty is the right to have absolute and unlimited power, either legal or political, within the territory of a state. After around 1500, European expansion

in Understanding political ideas and movements
Open Access (free)
Sovereignty and registration of the laws
John J. Hurt

tactics of modification and delay, even in the face of the military emergencies in the last years of the Wars of Religion.18 The reign of Louis XIII brought these tensions to new heights, as in 1635 France became a belligerent in the Thirty Years War. To finance the war, the government increased existing taxes, invented new ones and put new public offices up for sale. It grew dependent upon traitants (revenue farmers), financiers who advanced the king money on the basis of the potential yield of new fiscal edicts and made profits by collecting the taxes or selling the offices

in Louis XIV and the parlements
Catriona McKinnon

relations between citizens in political community. In discussion of the sixteenth-century wars of religion he claims that the resolution of these wars with principles of religious toleration was not a result of an overlapping consensus on these principles, but rather the result of a certain balance of power (and some exhaustion) establishing a modus vivendi.15 Rawls argues that it is possible to move from such a modus vivendi, via a constitutional consensus, to an overlapping consensus, and that moving through these stages of consensus stimulates important changes in

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
M. Anne Brown

ultimate truth that marked the Wars of Religion. As R. B. J. Walker (1993) has suggested, through the slow elaboration of the sovereign state as the central organising principle, this modus vivendi enabled the simultaneous assertion of the state as both a universal, self-consciously secularised form of collective order and progress and a principle of radical differentiation. Certainly the early modern debates and their elaborations and revisions in the following centuries seam deeply the ways we construct human rights and the sort of tool we make

in Human rights and the borders of suffering