At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the European Union (EU) stands out as an important regional organization. This book focuses on the influence of the World Bank on the EU development cooperation policy, with special emphasis on the Lomé Convention. It explains the influence of trade liberalisation on EU trade preferences and provides a comparative analysis of the content and direction of the policies developed towards the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP), the Mediterranean, Asia, Latin America and Eastern Europe. It looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution to the phenomenon referred as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The book examines the role of the mass media because the media are supposed to play a unique role in encouraging political reactions to humanitarian emergencies. The bolting on to development 'policy' of other continents, and the separate existence of a badly run Humanitarian Office (ECHO), brought the lie to the Maastricht Treaty telling us that the EU really had a coherent development policy. The Third World in general, and Africa in particular, are becoming important components in the EU's efforts to develop into a significant international player. The Cotonou Agreement proposes to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the WTO agenda.
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
many mistakes with respect to multilateralism. A significant one was to
give less attention to the WTO [the WorldTradeOrganisation]. He focused much more on the
Trans-Pacific Partnership than global agreements. The Republicans also invested in the FTAA [Free
Trade Area of the Americas], but, in my opinion, there was more commitment to economic
multilateralism under Bush than under Obama.
With another Republican president, the pendulum might have swung back anyway, but it is
swinging fast with Trump. Now, I am not sure which sectors of American
ratification of the US–Russia START I Treaty reducing intercontinental
nuclear missiles; the entry into force of the Conventional Forces in
Europe (CFE) Treaty limiting troop levels all over Europe; and NATO’s
Partnership for Peace programme, also including Russia.
The European Union’s Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM) collapsed
in 1993 but was revived in a more flexible form, permitting plans for
Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) to proceed. The conclusion of
the Uruguay Round and the establishment in 1995 of the WorldTradeOrganisation meant a major push for Europe toward
The potential and limits of EU development cooperation policy
Anna K. Dickson
This conclusion presents some closing thoughts on concepts discussed in this book. The book assesses the record of development cooperation from the Treaty of Rome to Lomé, and beyond to Cotonou. It also assesses the implications of the trends identified for future development policy and to conceptualise the role of European Union (EU) external action in the realm of development. Development policy constitutes a key aspect of EU foreign policy. The negotiations for future African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP)-EU trade aim to create free trade areas between the European Community (EC) and sub-regions of the ACP group. The Cotonou Agreement proposes finally to end the preferential trade margins accorded to non-least developed ACP states in favour of more liberal free trade agreements strongly shaped by the World Trade Organisation (WTO) agenda.
This chapter seeks to identify the main determinants of the European Union (EU) trade policy in relation to the developing countries. It asks why the EU has adopted trade liberalisation rather than any other option for the future of its relations with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) states, and in stark contrast to the previous policies. The chapter looks at the general policy environment in which EU policy towards the Lomé countries has been made. It then looks at the trade-related directorates and their contribution and response to the phenomenon referred to here in shorthand as 'trade liberalisation'. This includes trends towards the removal or elimination of trade preferences and the ideology underlying this, which is reflected in and created by the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organisation (GATT/WTO). The chapter provides an analysis of the political interests at stake in the trade liberalisation debate.
Intergovernmental Conference JHA Justice and Home Affairs (pillar of the EU) NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation OEEC Organisation for European Economic Co-operation OPEC Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries OSCE Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe QMV Qualified Majority Voting SEA Single European Act TEU Treaty on European Union (Maastricht Treaty) UN (see UNO) UNO United Nations Organisation WEU Western European Union WTO WorldTradeOrganisation
unaccountable corporate bodies such as the WorldTradeOrganisation are
having on everyday life. The spaces that open up as a result of the contradictions
and complexities of social life are also important in realising the potential that
can be actualised through considering popular culture as an area where anarchism matters. To fully appreciate these possibilities, along with many other
areas of likely intervention and influence, we suggest that the kind of anarchism
(or even anarchisms) that is required for the future should be a non-dogmatic,
the US Senate and so
had to be turned into a simple ‘agreement’, the GATT, which nevertheless achieved a great deal on behalf of freer world trade until it became,
in 1995, the WorldTradeOrganisation (WTO).
A Europe divided in two
Although the division of Europe into two halves assisted West European
co-operation and involved the United States (and Canada) firmly in
European affairs, it also delivered large parts of Central and Eastern
Europe to Soviet hegemony, hindering economic development not only
in the countries concerned but in Europe as a whole. In the
excess, such as dairy products
and beef, and hence to fewer export subsidies, considered to be in violation of WorldTradeOrganisation rules. The new proposals would,
however, keep intact many other features of the traditional CAP, such as
price guarantees and levies on imported food. Meanwhile, farm aid to
new member countries would be phased in as from enlargement, starting
with a quarter of the EU level in 2004 and reaching it in 2013. The
Commission’s proposal led to fierce reactions on the part of several EU
governments with important CAP payments to defend
TradeOrganisation has been working towards a progressive
reduction in protective tariffs and subsidies). To some extent countries were
also allowed to apply to divert former subsidies into environmental projects.
Britain is the most enthusiastic supporter of this new innovation and has a
target of converting 20% of agricultural subsidies into environment schemes.
This new system effectively pays farmers to reduce their output and become
guardians of the environment instead.
Under the pressures of enlargement after 2004, the CAP will have to reform