Sabotage as a citizenship enactment at the fringes
The penultimate chapter looks at how states address Roma as (active) citizens and how Roma reconstruct citizenship at its fringes as activist citizens. It exposes how fringes are created by states, by international organisations and through the everyday practices of majority populations. However, the main body of the chapter explores another meaning of the fringe: marginalised minorities on the fringe also subvert and reconstruct the core understanding of citizenship from this fringe. These acts are not necessarily only activism but also include everyday mundane practices that carry the potential of political action. I call this form of enactment as citizenship sabotage.
, but not necessarily the rights associated with that status. Notions of citizenship have been developed within and beyond states in the form of topologies: ‘a topological approach emphasised the proliferation of inside-out and outside-in positions that are produced through the act of delimiting the border’ (Hepworth, 2014 : 112).
Examining the positions of Roma through the lens of citizenship studies has been a fruitful endeavour over the last few decades. There have been two main focuses within this work: (1) on Romani activism (Vermeersch
and people have been marginalised or structurally oppressed; not even of the idea they have often been targets rather than beneficiaries of racialisation. Historicising the structural power relationships and legacies of ‘race’, as Gilroy ( 2000 ) does, can globalise the study of identities in the Yugoslav region without inviting the essentialism that much of this field avoids.
More scholars, inspired by struggles for racial equality and black liberation in the West, New Left activism around migrant solidarity and growing feminist engagement with
different marginalised minorities face a common struggle and should therefore fight on a common front at the fringes of citizenship. Minority activists are already very aware of this (Matache and West, 2018 ; Cortés Gómez, 2019 ), and it was not the intention of this book to instruct their future activism. Rather, the intention was to attempt to make state authorities and international organisations aware of the invisible edges of citizenship they engage and the fringes of citizenship they create. As the EU NRIS Framework comes to an end in 2020, it should not be
What does race have to do with the Yugoslav region?
identity discourses on to somewhere which, by not sharing Britain's colonial history, also lacked Britain's insecurities about race, meant I did not even write down a citation.
Scholarship by feminist and queer writers of colour, and campaigns to decentre Eurocentrism and whiteness at UK universities, would challenge me to rethink my past work on post-Yugoslav identities, as would listening on Twitter to a philosopher of critical race theory I had first followed for her disability activism, and trying to understand what I had meant when, teaching at
hold that folk/carnival customs re-narrate the present around traditional symbols rather than simply re-enacting historical events, one can and should accept that contemporary racial formations will be among these traditions' undertones of meaning now even if they were not before. Yet the morčić and the Lastovo Turk do not elicit protest like Zwarte Piet, and anti-racist activism in Rijeka has other pressing priorities (fighting antiziganism and anti-Serb chauvinism, and migrant solidarity). Whether future Croatian social movements will frame carnival traditions as
' transoceanic movements, their conquest and acquisition of indigenous peoples' lands in the Americas, and their transportation of millions of enslaved Africans across the Atlantic are the acts of violence which ‘race’, in demarcating fully human and sovereign populations from those who were not, was constructed to enable and explain (Gilroy 1993 ). Outside postcolonial studies and anti-racist activism, white scholars are not used to calling these processes by names they use all the time to talk about collective violence in eastern Europe: displacement, forced migration
In many ways this scene is far from that of a conventional
frontier situation, which is predominantly masculine and patriarchal.
Instead, I have described a woman who has risen to a position of power
in an area informally demarcated as a violent Kingstown location.
Shirley’s authority has partly grown out of party political
activism, but her concern with decorum, standards and especially
, Ruth Bader Ginsburg ( 2005 ), an associate justice of the US Supreme Court until 2020, and the lawyer in both the D.H. and Oršuš cases, James Goldston ( 2017 ).
Whilst there have been several cases dealing with educational segregation in the US, the one receiving the most attention as relevant for the Romani movement and legal activism is the Brown case of 1954 (Goldston, 2017 ; Chang and Rucker-Chang, 2020 ). The Brown case overturned the decision of 1896 Plessy v. Fergusson (henceforth the Plessy case), which upheld the policy of