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James Baldwin, Teju Cole, and Glenn Ligon

This essay uses Edward Said’s theory of affiliation to consider the relationship between James Baldwin and contemporary artists Teju Cole and Glenn Ligon, both of whom explicitly engage with their predecessor’s writing in their own work. Specifically, Baldwin’s essay “Stranger in the Village” (1953) serves a through-line for this discussion, as it is invoked in Cole’s essay “Black Body” and Ligon’s visual series, also titled Stranger in the Village. In juxtaposing these three artists, I argue that they express the dialectical energy of affiliation by articulating ongoing concerns of race relations in America while distinguishing themselves from Baldwin in terms of periodization, medium-specificity, and their broader relationship to Western art practice. In their adoption of Baldwin, Cole and Ligon also imagine a way beyond his historical anxieties and writing-based practice, even as they continue to reinscribe their own work with his arguments about the African-American experience. This essay is an intermedial study that reads fiction, nonfiction, language-based conceptual art and mixed media, as well as contemporary politics and social media in order consider the nuances of the African-American experience from the postwar period to our contemporary moment. Concerns about visuality/visibility in the public sphere, narrative voice, and self-representation, as well as access to cultural artifacts and aesthetic engagement, all emerge in my discussion of this constellation of artists. As a result, this essay identifies an emblematic, though not exclusive, strand of African-American intellectual thinking that has never before been brought together. It also demonstrates the ongoing relevance of Baldwin’s thinking for the contemporary political scene in this country.

James Baldwin Review
A Model for Historical Reflection in the Humanitarian Sector

information received, but neither the identity nor the affiliation of the speaker(s), nor that of any other participant, may be revealed’ ( Chatham House , n.d.). This is particularly important in encouraging participants to share sensitive information without fear of it being broadcast, with implications for security and policy. Related to this, we would stress the need to take full account of the ethical implications of the reflective process. Several participants at our

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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A tradition of indirection

This book examines the satirical poetry of Edmund Spenser and argues for his importance as a model and influence for younger poets writing satires in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The book focuses on reading satirical texts of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries in relation to one another, with specific attention to the role that Edmund Spenser plays in that literary subsystem. The book connects key Spenserian texts in The Shepheardes Calender and the Complaints volume with poems by a range of authors in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, including Joseph Hall, Thomas Nashe, Tailboys Dymoke, Thomas Middleton, and George Wither to advance the thesis that Spenser was seen by his contemporaries as highly relevant to satire in Elizabethan England. For scholars of satire, the book offers a fuller discussion and theorization of the type of satire that Spenser wrote, “indirect satire,” than has been provided elsewhere. A theory of indirect satire benefits not just Spenser studies, but satire studies as well. For scholars of English Renaissance satire in particular, who have tended to focus on the formal verse satires of the 1590s to the exclusion of attention to more indirect forms such as Spenser’s, this book is a corrective, an invitation to recognize the importance of a style of satire that has received little attention.

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The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Regional elections and political parties

level politics, if anything, has declined since 1995. All six of Mainwaring’s factors of institutionalisation are still very weak and undeveloped in Russia. FAD6 10/17/2002 5:45 PM Page 98 98 Table 6.1 Federalism and democratisation in Russia Party representation in regional assemblies Election cycle % of candidates who stood on a party ticket Party affiliation of deputies 1993–94 1995–97 2000 2001 – 24.9 15.7 8.7 14.0 18.6 12.7 8.4 Source: Data for 1993–94, and 1995–97, Vybory v Zakonodatel’nye (predstavitel’nye) Organov Gosudarstvennoi Vlasti Sub

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
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The emergence of the British Labour Party

party conference, Labour had to deal with the issue of minority groups within the party and their impact on policy-making. This was particularly significant over the areas of foreign and defence policy. The Labour Party, unlike the Conservative Party, had to fight against parties within the party and factions within the party, as its more democratic organisational structures provided factions with more opportunities to exert their influence. One obvious occasion was the fight with Militant in the 1980s, but another was the tension that arose over the affiliation of

in The Labour Party and the world, volume 1
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that knit members across multiple nations (Bashi, 2007 ; Olwig, 2001 ; Sutton, 2004 ; 2008 ), or within racial formations that link them to compatriots with similar ancestry (Edwards, 2001 ; 2003 ; Thomas and Clarke, 2006 ). After all, in order to cross borders, as members of diasporas so often do, passports and other means of documenting national affiliations are compulsory

in Sport in the Black Atlantic

monopolised wartime attention, while other anthropologists documented how shifting borders and border crossings had had unpredictable effects on inhabitants’ production of identity, affiliations and moral maps in ways that often unsettled identity markers like religion, ethnicity and nationality and their political connotations (Ballinger 2003; Pelkmans 2006). As Pelkmans (2006: 73) notes for neighbourhoods caught up in the reconfiguration of the Turkish–Soviet border, ‘discontent focused on more subtle differences that only became obvious in faceto-face communication

in Migrating borders and moving times

ITLP_C07.QXD 18/8/03 9:59 am Page 101 7 Class and politics in the work of Henry Pelling Alastair J. Reid In the ranks of that distinguished generation of post-war British academics who established labour history on a professional footing, Henry Pelling is generally regarded as worthy but rather dull. For he did not share the more colourful far-left political affiliations of figures such as Eric Hobsbawm and Edward Thompson. Indeed, when these Marxists were at the height of their influence in the late 1960s and 1970s, Pelling’s careful history of the British

in Interpreting the Labour Party

that interpretation will lead to the wrong conclusions about the remedies. Relevance of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act 1999 Resolving many years of controversy about the nature of financial competition and regulation, the 106th Congress passed the Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act (GLBA) by overwhelming majorities in November 1999, and President Clinton signed the legislation a few days later. The Act is very comprehensive, addressing affiliations of banking, insurance, securities firms and regulation of the resulting organizations

in Lehman Brothers