Visions of episcopacy in seventeenth-century France

This book explores how conceptions of episcopacy (government of a church by bishops) shaped the identity of the bishops of France in the wake of the reforming Council of Trent (1545–63). It demonstrates how the episcopate, initially demoralised by the Wars of Religion, developed a powerful ideology of privilege, leadership and pastorate that enabled it to become a flourishing participant in the religious, political and social life of the ancien regime. The book analyses the attitudes of Tridentine bishops towards their office by considering the French episcopate as a recognisable caste, possessing a variety of theological and political principles that allowed it to dominate the French church.

R. H. Helmholz

the justice and the attendant question of judicial integrity. Like many office-holders in the Ancien Regime, the judges of England’s ecclesiastical courts depended upon court fees for their basic incomes. And the records of individual trials that were fully recorded, customarily included the payment of court fees, of which judges took a share.30 Litigants paid for libels, for commissions to examine witnesses, for sentences, for documents of appeal; indeed they paid for all the paper produced during trials. Part of the money paid for these items went to the judges

in Judicial tribunals in England and Europe, 1200–1700
Open Access (free)
Alison Forrestal

and practice of episcopacy. It had a profound impact on the episcopate and its relationship with the Tridentine papacy and the French crown, and ultimately shaped the French church for the remainder of the ancien régime. At its heart stood its keenest participants, the body of prelates that formed the French episcopate. Historians have long understood that to grasp the nature of early modern catholicism, one must attend to its bishops. In the traditional ‘confessional’ accounts of the Counter-Reformation, they assumed pivotal positions in the Introduction 2 22

in Fathers, pastors and kings
The revolt of Cairo and Revolutionary violence
Joseph Clarke

’ violence and authority, and the difference between Revolutionary violence and violence under the ancien régime.3 While the politics of popular violence still provokes debate, there is greater consensus on the latter point, and the difference between Revolutionary violence and earlier forms of Franco-French conflict remains critical to our understanding of the Revolution as a rupture with the past. With little in the way of technological innovation to distinguish Revolutionary violence from that which preceded it, the basis for that distinction is primarily one of

in A global history of early modern violence
Open Access (free)
The failure of history
Neil Macmaster

order and a key site of resistance. ‘Post-Marxist’ or revisionist historians of the ‘classic’ revolutions, especially of the French and Russian Revolutions, have since the 1970s tended to emphasise the limitations of radical movements to effect a root-and-branch change in the deeper social structures of the ancien régime, structures which tended to survive underground only to resurface later. From the 1920s onwards several states engaged in the authoritarian, ‘top-down’, modernisation of Muslim societies, and in particular of the role of women and marriage law. The

in Burning the veil
S.J. Barnett

eighteenth-century international ‘deist movement’, which has been considered ‘especially strong in Britain and France’.3 It has consequently been noted that amongst some historians there has been an ‘obsessive iteration of “modernity” as a watchword of Enlightenment’.4 In his Christianity under the Ancien Régime 1648–1789 (1999), Ward has suggested that the number of deist writers was ‘immense’.5 Herrick (The Radical Rhetoric of the English Deists, 1997) has claimed that English deists were so numerous that they posed a threat to the social and religious order.6 In his

in The Enlightenment and religion
S.J. Barnett

, Christianity under the Ancien Régime 1648–1789 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 159, on Bayle’s active membership of the reformed church while writing the Dictionnaire. K. Sandberg, At the Crossroads of Faith and Reason. An Essay on Pierre Bayle (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1966), p. 2. Ibid., pp. 38–9. W. Rex, Essays on Pierre Bayle and Religious Controversy (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1965), p. x. Sandberg, At the Crossroads of Faith and Reason, pp. 99, 103. E. Labrousse, Pierre Bayle (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1983; 1st edn

in The Enlightenment and religion
Open Access (free)
Magic, madness and other ways of losing control
Elwin Hofman

applicable for serious crimes. 87 In the Southern Netherlands, the only provision for ‘crimes of passion’ was that traditionally, ancien régime justice allowed a husband to kill a man he found having intercourse with his wife, given that the lover was not a nobleman (the reverse – a wife killing her adulterous husband’s concubine – was not legal). That this did not (explicitly) have to do with impulses of love or jealousy, but rather with honour, propriety and entitlement, is apparent by the fact that the married woman’s father had the same right. 88 While eighteenth

in Trials of the self
Open Access (free)
Svante Norrhem
and
Erik Thomson

, vol. 2 (Paris: Seuil, 2003); Jean-Pierre Bois, De la paix des rois à l’ordre des empereurs, 1714–1815: Nouvelle histoire des relations internationales, vol. 3 (Paris: Seuil, 2003); Matthew Smith Anderson, The Origins of the Modern European State System, 1494–1618 (London: Longman, 1998); Jeremy Black, A History of Diplomacy (London: Reaktion Books, 2010). See, however, Lucien Bély, ‘Subsides’, in Dictionnaire de l’ancien régime, ed. by Lucien Bély (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1996), pp. 1178–1179. 10 Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation or even

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789
Anuschka Tischer

-à-vis Emperor Leopold I, who promoted the territory of Braunschweig-Lüneburg to a new electorate in 1692. By this act, the new elector finally became a part of the imperial alliance against France. Lucien Bély mentioned this specific case in an overview over subsidies in the Ancien Régime as an example of just how unpredictable the outcomes of subsidies were with regard to political calculations.17 Moreover, in this case it was the emperor’s decision that brought the Wolfenbüttel branch of Braunschweig to accept French subsidies and thereby join a French alliance, as

in Subsidies, diplomacy, and state formation in Europe, 1494–1789