Pacifist feminism in Britain, 1870–1902
Author: Heloise Brown

This book explores the pervasive influence of pacifism on Victorian feminism. It provides an account of Victorian women who campaigned for peace, and of the many feminists who incorporated pacifist ideas into their writing on women and gender. The book explores feminists' ideas about the role of women within the empire, their eligibility for citizenship, and their ability to act as moral guardians in public life. It shows that such ideas made use – in varying ways – of gendered understandings of the role of force and the relevance of arbitration and other pacifist strategies. The book examines the work of a wide range of individuals and organisations, from well-known feminists such as Lydia Becker, Josephine Butler and Millicent Garrett Fawcett to lesser-known figures such as the Quaker pacifists Ellen Robinson and Priscilla Peckover.

A Focus on Community Engagement
Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez and Sylvain Landry B. Faye

disease. Chiefs were sent away when they visited family compounds. Young people who spontaneously organised themselves to raise awareness and protect ‘their communities’ violently challenged Ebola response teams, banned foreigners, organised surveillance brigades to ensure that no one entered the village and sought the arbitration of regional political authorities (the préfet , or governor). To solve the problem, responders targeted traditional healers, sacred forest

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
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Pacifist feminism in the IAPA
Heloise Brown

‘ the truest form of patriotism ’ 8 Awakening women: pacifist feminism in the IAPA T he IAPA had a women’s auxiliary almost from the date it was founded, as between 1881 and 1882 a number of women in the Peace Society’s Auxiliary attempted to formally attach their organisation to the IAPA. When matters reached a head in April 1882, the Auxiliary split, with one organisation – the Women’s Peace and Arbitration Auxiliary (WPAA) – attaching itself to the IAPA, the other reconstituting itself and remaining with the Peace Society. The social purity politics and

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
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The International Arbitration and Peace Association
Heloise Brown

‘ the truest form of patriotism ’ 7 ‘Unity is strength’: the International Arbitration and Peace Association1 T he absolutist Peace Society dominated the British peace movement throughout most of the nineteenth century. However, its absolutism was increasingly challenged from mid-century onwards, and it became apparent by the 1870s, as a result of republican nationalist campaigns in Europe, and in Britain the rise of working men’s peace groups and the growth of the women’s movement, that there was also some demand for a secular peace organisation. The

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
The Peace Society and women
Heloise Brown

given that the Evangelical wing of the peace movement was dominated by Quakers, a sect from which many feminists of this era originated. One consequence of this was that feminists were drawn instead into the International Arbitration and Peace Association (IAPA) as the radical (and feminist-friendly) wing of the peace movement, rather than the Evangelical and absolutist Peace Society. By 1902, pacifism and feminism were far more alike in their aims, ideals and priorities than they had been in the 1870s, but the Peace Society did little to encourage this convergence

in ‘The truest form of patriotism’
Author: Sara De Vido

The book explores the relationship between violence against women on one hand, and the rights to health and reproductive health on the other. It argues that violation of the right to health is a consequence of violence, and that (state) health policies might be a cause of – or create the conditions for – violence against women. It significantly contributes to feminist and international human rights legal scholarship by conceptualising a new ground-breaking idea, violence against women’s health (VAWH), using the Hippocratic paradigm as the backbone of the analysis. The two dimensions of violence at the core of the book – the horizontal, ‘interpersonal’ dimension and the vertical ‘state policies’ dimension – are investigated through around 70 decisions of domestic, regional and international judicial or quasi-judicial bodies (the anamnesis). The concept of VAWH, drawn from the anamnesis, enriches the traditional concept of violence against women with a human rights-based approach to autonomy and a reflection on the pervasiveness of patterns of discrimination (diagnosis). VAWH as theorised in the book allows the reconceptualisation of states’ obligations in an innovative way, by identifying for both dimensions obligations of result, due diligence obligations, and obligations to progressively take steps (treatment). The book eventually asks whether it is not international law itself that is the ultimate cause of VAWH (prognosis).

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Environmental justice and citizen science in a post-truth age
Editors: Thom Davies and Alice Mah

This book examines the relationship between environmental justice and citizen science, focusing on enduring issues and new challenges in a post-truth age. Debates over science, facts, and values have always been pivotal within environmental justice struggles. For decades, environmental justice activists have campaigned against the misuses of science, while at the same time engaging in community-led citizen science. However, post-truth politics has threatened science itself. This book makes the case for the importance of science, knowledge, and data that are produced by and for ordinary people living with environmental risks and hazards. The international, interdisciplinary contributions range from grassroots environmental justice struggles in American hog country and contaminated indigenous communities, to local environmental controversies in Spain and China, to questions about “knowledge justice,” citizenship, participation, and data in citizen science surrounding toxicity. The book features inspiring studies of community-based participatory environmental health and justice research; different ways of sensing, witnessing, and interpreting environmental injustice; political strategies for seeking environmental justice; and ways of expanding the concepts and forms of engagement of citizen science around the world. While the book will be of critical interest to specialists in social and environmental sciences, it will also be accessible to graduate and postgraduate audiences. More broadly, the book will appeal to members of the public interested in social justice issues, as well as community members who are thinking about participating in citizen science and activism. Toxic Truths includes distinguished contributing authors in the field of environmental justice, alongside cutting-edge research from emerging scholars and community activists.

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Pacifism and feminism in Victorian Britain
Heloise Brown

together to an understanding of the social and political order. Liberalism as it developed during the nineteenth century was allimportant in the growth of these ideas. Most influential in the midcentury period was Richard Cobden, whose support for free trade between nations was based on a belief that commercial relations between nations would make them interdependent on one another, and thus make war contrary to their interests. Cobden pressed for a formal policy of nonintervention and international arbitration, and while he collaborated with absolute pacifists, he made

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Nonconformist religion in nineteenth-century pacifism
Heloise Brown

the spread of arbitration principles. Support for arbitration developed significantly during the course of the nineteenth century, and it was used as a means of resolving national disputes twenty-three times between 1794 and 1840. From the 1840s onwards, the concept of arbitration grew faster in popularity than any comparable alternative to war, such as disarmament, neutralisation or the establishment of a court of nations. In 1849 the first motion in the House of Commons in favour of a system of arbitration was put forward by Richard Cobden.28 Although the motion

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‘“United action” in Continental politics’
Heloise Brown

European movements, received notice in the Herald for its ‘truly international and widely useful’ work.2 Ellen Robinson was, like Priscilla Peckover, raised as a Quaker and came to peace work in her forties. She was notably more feminist in her politics, and spent much of her time and energy lecturing on peace to working-class men across Britain. Like Peckover, in the 1880s she established a local peace organisation, the Liverpool and Birkenhead Women’s Peace and Arbitration Society (LBWPAS) which despite its name was, like Peckover’s WLPA, open to both men and women

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