In contemporary forensic medicine, in India, the label of complete autopsy applies to a whole range of post-mortem examinations which can present consid- erable differences in view of the intellectual resources, time, personnel and material means they involve. From various sources available in India and elsewhere, stems the idea that, whatever the type of case and its apparent obviousness, a complete autopsy implies opening the abdomen, the thorax and the skull and dissecting the organs they contain. Since the nineteenth century, procedural approaches of complete autopsies have competed with a practical sense of completeness which requires doctors to think their cases according to their history. Relying on two case studies observed in the frame of an ethnographic study of eleven months in medical colleges of North India, the article suggests that the practical completeness of autopsies is attained when all aspects of the history of the case are made sense of with regard to the observation of the body. Whereas certain autopsies are considered obvious and imply a reduced amount of time in the autopsy room, certain others imply successive redefinitions of what complete implies and the realisation of certain actions which would not have been performed otherwise.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

This article aims to shed light on the post-mortem practices for Palestinian dead bodies when there is suspicion of human rights violations by Israeli military forces. By focusing on the case of Omran Abu Hamdieh from Al-Khalil (Hebron), the article explores the interactions between Palestinian social-institutional agents, Israeli military forces and international medico-legal agents. Drawing on ethnographic and archival data, the article explores how the intersectionality between the various controlling powers is inscribed over the Palestinian dead bodies and structures their death rites. The article claims that inviting foreign medico-legal experts in the Palestinian context could reveal the true death story and the human rights violations, but also reaffirms the sovereignty of the Israeli military forces over the Palestinian dead and lived bodies.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal

I focus on two contemporary art installations in which Teresa Margolles employs water used to wash corpses during autopsies. By running this water through a fog machine or through air conditioners, these works incorporate bodily matter but refuse to depict, identify or locate anybody (or any body) within it. Rather, Margolles creates abstract works in which physical limits – whether of bodies or of art works – dissolve into a state of indeterminacy. With that pervasive distribution of corporeal matter, Margolles charts the dissolution of the social, political and spatial borders that contain death from the public sphere. In discussing these works, I consider Margolles’ practice in relation to the social and aesthetic function of the morgue. Specifically, I consider how Margolles turns the morgue inside out, opening it upon the city in order to explore the inoperative distinctions between spaces of sociality and those of death. In turn, I consider how Margolles places viewers in uneasy proximity to mortality, bodily abjection and violence in order to illustrate the social, political and aesthetic conditions by which bodies become unidentifiable. I ultimately argue that her aesthetic strategies match her ethical aspirations to reconsider relations to death, violence and loss within the social realm.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Towards atypology of the treatment of corpses of ‘disappeared detainees’ in Argentinafrom 1975 to 1983

not recorded on the relevant documents. The perpetrators had to put a lot of effort into ensuring that this was achieved. Their desire for denial was absurd, as the terrible autopsy descriptions contained in the sources demonstrate. However, combinations of different forensic, police, and judicial proceedings were set in train, as though this glut of procedures would hide the truth forever. Among one of many possible examples is the kidnapping, torture, and murder of Eduardo Ruibal. In his case, the way in which different military and judicial authorities (the army

in Destruction and human remains
Where and when does the violence end?

. Examined by the pathologist to compile autopsy reports that might then be used in evidence, should the case ever come to trial, the 23 The unburied victims of the Mau Mau Rebellion   23 police necessarily and legally retained these remains pending future prosecutions. However, the police would normally only hold a small number of such bodies at a time  –​before the State of Emergency the Kenya Police dealt with only around thirty murders each year, and they would expect to process such cases and then hand over the bodies to their families for burial relatively speedily

in Human remains in society
Forensic and archaeological approaches to locating the remains of Holocaust victims

. Hochrein, ‘An autopsy of the grave: recognizing, collecting and preserving forensic geotaphonomic evidence’, in W. Haglund and M. Sorg (eds), Advances 192 192   Human remains in society in Forensic Taphonomy: Method, Theory and Archaeological Perspectives (Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, 2002), pp. 45–​70. 56 Hunter et al., Forensic Approaches to Buried Remains. 57 Sturdy Colls, Holocaust Archaeologies, ch. 6. 58 P. Drewett, Field Archaeology: An Introduction (London: Routledge, 2011). 59 Hunter et al., Forensic Approaches to Buried Remains. 60 B. Bevan and T. Smekalova

in Human remains in society
Contemporary Irish and Scottish fiction

deliberating mature subjects. We find many of these characteristics repeated in Trainspotting. The mean streets of Leith (the working-class port in which Welsh sets his autopsy of contemporary Scottish life) are a long way from the romantic ‘Highlands and Islands’ of the chronotopic imagination.3 But they are also some way removed from traditional urban representations of Scotland – invariably set in Glasgow, centred around traditional heavy industries such as shipbuilding and mining, and engaged with received, and supposedly ‘universal’, discourses of gender, class and race

in Across the margins
A party in crisis?

sceptical line on EMU’, The Times, 24 October 1997. 26 P. Webster, ‘Hague warns Heseltine to keep clear’, The Times, 31 October 1997. 27 Ian Taylor MP, resignation letter, 29 October 1997. 28 ‘Ancram defends consulting party members’, Conservative Party press release, 26 September 1998. 29 Quoted in G. Jones, ‘Hague wins 84 per cent vote on the euro’, Daily Telegraph, 6 October 1998. 30 Hague, speech to London and Southern Region. 31 Quoted in the Esher News and Mail, 22 November 1999. 32 See P. Oborne, ‘An accurate autopsy’, The Spectator, 3 November 2001. 33 Worcester

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Open Access (free)

displays in autopsies of poliomyelitis victims. For simplicity, the disease will henceforth be called “polio” in this chapter, unless in a direct quotation from the source material. See John Rodman Paul, A History of Poliomyelitis (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1971), p. 8; Hamborsky, Kroger and Wolfe (eds), Epidemiology and Prevention of Vaccine-Preventable Diseases , p. 297. 8 J. N. Hays, Epidemics and Pandemics: Their Impact on Human History (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2005), p. 414. 9 Rogers, Polio Wars

in Vaccinating Britain
Missing persons and colonial skeletons in South Africa

living and the dead body, Crossland’s work points to finer distinctions, which may operate to draw a line between the dissected and the autopsied body. These are suggestive of different ontologies at work,49 but also of a certain instability of meaning associated with the dead body (or its remains), which is subject both to continuity and difference. In several respects, then, the developments associated with the long dead served to interrupt the promise of closure suggested by the TRC and exemplified in the physical acts of exhumation and reburial. By calling

in Human remains and identification