Healthcare aims to be patient-centred but a large gap remains between the fine words and the reality. Care often feels designed for the convenience of the organisations that deliver it, and not enough around patients and their families, or even around the frontline staff who provide it. Why does this happen? What does it feel like? What can be done about it? This book stimulates reflection on these questions by listening closely to those at the frontline. It provides accounts from patients, carers and healthcare professionals who are patients about what it’s like when services get it right, and wrong, from birth up to the end of life. Quite simply, we want to draw upon the power of storytelling – which is increasingly valued as a tool for learning – to help policymakers and practitioners to understand how to deliver better care. We also hope to enlighten the general reader about how they might go about navigating “the system” while it remains imperfect. There is a growing literature of first-person accounts from patients and from healthcare professionals. This book differs by providing a collection of narratives of experiences of the NHS in England to paint a rich and varied picture. Alongside these narratives we provide some international context, and an overview of the history of moves towards a more patient-centred approach to care. We present the theory and practice of storytelling in the context of healthcare. We also seek to help the reader to draw out the practical learning from the individual accounts.
Anne Kerr, Choon Key Chekar, Emily Ross, Julia Swallow, and Sarah Cunningham-Burley
Chapter 7 considers non-participation and exclusions as well as reservation, consternation and rejections around genomic medicine in our research and in the public sphere more generally. We investigate the particular social and cultural contexts in which disengagement and resistance are generated. Exploring negative views and experiences or simply a lack of response to genomic medicine, we consider when these kinds of personalised medicine are ‘not relevant to us’ and why some people just do not have the capacity or resource to engage with them. Rejecting or refusing opportunities to engage with genomic medicine also results from the awareness of competing priorities such as health equality or preventive healthcare as well as a commitment to other forms of care. Not every patient can or wants to craft their own treatment pathways, or looks to the future with a sense of agency and control, and we reflect on what it means to opt out, be excluded or feel left behind by these kinds of research and care. We also discuss the ways in which different agencies and actors strive to tackle disengagement by reaching out to different communities to appeal to their sense of responsibility towards contributing to the prospects of better care for individuals and community now and in the future. We argue that these practices present an important counterpoint to the dominant, inclusive vision of P4 medicine, particularly with regard to personalisation and participation.
Anglophobia in Fascist Italy traces the roots of Fascist Anglophobia from the Great War and through the subsequent peace treaties and its development during the twenty years of Mussolini’s regime. Initially, Britain was seen by many Italians as a ‘false friend’ who was also the main obstacle to Italy’s foreign policy aspirations, a view embraced by Mussolini and his movement. While at times dormant, this Anglophobic sentiment did not disappear in the years that followed, and was later rekindled during the Ethiopian War. The peculiarly Fascist contribution to the assessment of Britain was ideological. From the mid-1920s, the regime’s intellectuals saw Fascism as the answer to a crisis in the Western world and as irredeemably opposed to Western civilisation of the sort exemplified by Britain. Britain was described as having failed the ‘problem of labour’, and Fascism framed as a salvation ideology, which nations would either embrace or face decay. The perception of Britain as a decaying and feeble nation increased after the Great Depression. The consequence of this was a consistent underrating of British power and resolve to resist Italian ambitions. An analysis of popular reception of the Fascist discourse shows that the tendency to underrate Britain had permeated large sectors of the Italian people, and that public opinion was more hostile to Britain than previously thought. Indeed, in some quarters hatred towards the British lasted until the end of the Second World War, in both occupied and liberated Italy.
the end of life. Quite simply, we want to draw on the power of storytelling – increasingly valued as a tool for learning – to help practitioners understand how to deliver bettercare.
There is a growing literature of first-person accounts both from patients and from healthcare professionals. This book differs by providing a collection of narratives, from a variety of viewpoints and stages in life, to paint a rich and varied picture. Alongside these narratives we provide some context: an overview of the history, theory and evidential underpinnings
Religion and spirituality in environmental direct action
Bronislaw Szerszynski and Emma Tomalin
movement and felt that it was an area needing
attention. One of her primary interests was making people more aware of camp
illnesses, including visitors to protest sites, and in encouraging people to take
bettercare of themselves. She also drew attention to the stresses of a life of
protest and the fact that people often drink too much in order to block out the
pain of evictions. She was training in reiki, learning about different herbal remedies (‘as most people are shy of Babylon drugs’) and attempting to introduce
health as a serious issue into the camps where she
Anne Kerr, Choon Key Chekar, Emily Ross, Julia Swallow, and Sarah Cunningham-Burley
sense of agency and control, and we reflect on what it means to opt out, be excluded or feel left behind by these kinds of research and care. We also discuss the ways in which different agencies and actors strive to tackle disengagement by reaching out to different communities to appeal to their sense of responsibility towards contributing to the prospects of bettercare for individuals and the community now and in the future. We argue that these practices present an important counterpoint to the dominant, inclusive vision of P4 medicine, particularly with regard to
difficult for Italians,
and that both [because of the great German victories] and because of the
deeply rooted conviction that the Axis powers had prepared themselves
[for the war] with bettercare; successively, after the [French surrender] and
especially following the victories obtained by our [forces] in the colonies
and the great battle in the Ionian [Sea], the myth of the invincibility of the
English Fleet having faded, nobody doubts the final outcome anymore, and
nobody fears the always threatened economic blockade.67
One report from Asti drafted on 31 July
you are, how much effort you put in. I think of that as bettercare, whereas obviously I assume that if you are a senior, almost a consultant anaesthetist, then you have had your skill checked many a time. What matters to me most is how they make you feel and how well looked after you are.
So in the end I didn't progress at all, I'd been in labour for nearly forty hours. And I was only 4cm and you need to be 10. So I ended up going for a caesarean
These stories have several examples of people “battling” the system to get bettercare for their loved ones. What are the wider implications of a system that needs to be “battled”?
What part can health and social care agencies play in managing family tensions and differences during serious illness and at the end of life?
These stories contain a number of examples of really good care and professional practice. What makes them good
Winn, ‘a drawer or coal-pit worker
… in delicate health’, those offered relief by Poor Law officials in Scotland
were sometimes given a choice as to whether they were institutionalised.
The medical officer who attended Winn in the late 1850s offered him a place
in a poorhouse, where it was thought the mineworker could be bettercared
for than in his current lodgings. Winn, however, refused the offer and was
instead provided for by the Parish of Old Monkland outside the poorhouse
DISABILITY IN THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION
in private accommodation.60 Yet