Open Access (free)
Humanitarianism in a Post-Liberal World Order

1980s, the US, to two now) stems from the rise of China. A kind of bipolarity – a system dominated by two centres of power – has been re-established in global politics. As in other areas – trade, environment, security, public health, transport – the return to bipolarity has had a major impact. The implications of this are simple but profound: rules and norms that conflict in some way with the preferences of the Chinese government will no longer necessarily be enforceable at the global level . We know what this looks like because it is how the

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs

For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the United States (US) and the Soviet Union (USSR). This book seeks to draw from current developments in critical security studies in order to establish a new framework of inquiry for security in the Middle East. It addresses the need to redefine security in the Middle East. The focus is squarely on the Arab-Israeli context in general, and the Palestinian-Israeli context in particular. The character of Arab-Israeli relations are measured by the Israeli foreign policy debate from the 1950s to the 1990s. A dialogue between Islam and Islamism as a means to broaden the terrain on which conflict resolution and post-bipolar security in the Middle East is to be understood is presented. The Middle East peace process (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military-strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The shift in analysis from national security to human security reflects the transformations of the post-Cold War era by combining military with non-military concerns such as environmental damage, social unrest, economic mismanagement, cultural conflict, gender inequity and radical fundamentalism. By way of contrast to realist international relations (IR) theory, developing-world theorists have proposed a different set of variables to explain the unique challenges facing developing states. Finally, the book examines the significance of ecopolitics in security agendas in the Middle East.

A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism

. Political Islam and post-bipolar security in the Middle East As a recent development, the politicization of religion is not restricted to Islam, insofar as it can be observed in other religions as well, be it Hinduism or Judaism – among others. 3 When it comes to Islam one cannot escape witnessing the Bin Laden and, earlier, the Iran connection of terrorism. 4 In Algeria the

in Redefining security in the Middle East
From revolution to reform

-liberalism’. Un passé qui ne passe pas In Western Europe, the principal line of cleavage has been between left and right in the post-war period (Gallagher et al., 2001: 95). Coalitions of parties have lined up facing each other across this divide. The norm has been a bipolar system with the main struggle for the centre ground – the middle or ‘floating voter’ – and a centripetal dynamic has been evident 32 The left over the long term. It was the intrusion of the big Communist Party into the French Party system that frustrated any such bipolar development in the Fourth

in The French party system
Open Access (free)
Party system change and electoral prospects

traditional bipolar format of French politics. It will then move on to analyse the historical and political factors underlying the split, the electoral performances of the two parties that emerged from this critical breakdown and the key features of party ideology within the extreme, right pole. Third, it will address the electoral prospects of the FN and MNR in the light of their results in the presidential and legislative elections of spring 2002. Extreme-right politics and party system change in the mid-1990s A glance at the results of elections over the past fifteen

in The French party system
New threats, institutional adaptations

the bipolar distribution of power and the alliance system it spawned. Conflicts between the two superpowers, the United States and Soviet Union, were played out in the deadly logic of nuclear deterrence, limited wars along the periphery of Asia, and proxy wars in Africa and Latin America. The ideological Manichaeism and structural rigidity of the postwar period have now yielded to structural fluidity and ill-defined civilisational disputations. The postwar system of countervailing power created by NATO and the Warsaw Pact unraveled with the latter’s dissolution and

in Limiting institutions?

structure of the party system in 1978 was that of a bipolar quadrille. Four parties of roughly equal political strength together obtained over 90 per cent of the vote and divided voter preferences evenly between the PCF and the PS in the left coalition, and the neo-Gaullist RPR and the liberal conservative UDF on the right. There are several explanations for this process of rationalisation. The first relates to the institutional rules of the game. From this perspective, the enhanced prestige of the presidency as modelled by de Gaulle between 1958 and 1969, the

in The French party system
Impact of structural tensions and thresholds

easily captured by any single phrase. While the East–West divide rested on strategic and ideological bipolarity, the precise nature of the North–South divide was less clear. What is designated as the ‘North’ comprises mainly industrialised liberal/capitalist countries (geographically located for the most part in the northern hemisphere), many of which had an imperial past. The

in The United Nations, intra-state peacekeeping and normative change
Open Access (free)
The international system and the Middle East

tended to dominate the region on behalf of a relatively united ‘core’. The first of these hegemons, Great Britain, came near to imposing an imperial order in the Middle East (Brown 1984: 112–39). After the interval of bi-polarity, in which the Arab world attained considerable autonomy, the sole American hegemon has returned to its attempt to establish a Pax Americana in the region. The result, according to Barry Buzan (1991), is that the Islamic Middle East is the only classical civilisation that has not managed to re-establish itself as a significant world actor

in The international politics of the Middle East
Interpreting the unions–party link

their weight heavily against the parliamentary leadership’ (1991: 217). This particular belief is demolished by Minkin (1992: 194–5), who shows that union votes were evenly balanced on key issues. ITLP_C10.QXD 18/8/03 10:01 am Steve Ludlam Page 153 153 Needless to say, these two assessments have deeply contrasting consequences for understanding the recent history of the unions–party link. A third tendency is to explain the unions–party relationship in terms of a bipolar conflict between union leaders and union members, again emphasising the formers’ inadequate

in Interpreting the Labour Party