Keith Krause

In discussions of conflict, war and political violence, dead bodies count. Although the politics and practices associated with the collection of violent-death data are seldom subject to critical examination, they are crucial to how scholars and practitioners think about how and why conflict and violence erupt. Knowledge about conflict deaths – the who, what, where, when, why and how – is a form of expertise, created, disseminated and used by different agents. This article highlights the ways in which body counts are deployed as social facts and forms of knowledge that are used to shape and influence policies and practices associated with armed conflict. It traces the way in which conflict-death data emerged, and then examines critically some of the practices and assumptions of data collection to shed light on how claims to expertise are enacted and on how the public arena connects (or not) with scholarly conflict expertise.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Open Access (free)
Evil, Genocide and the Limits of Recognition
Patrick Hayden

number of individuals affected – this is the familiar ‘body count’ approach (see Lackey 1986 ). On this account, genocide matters, or becomes recognizable, only if a sufficient number of individuals are maimed or killed. This framing not only treats the formative conditions underlying genocidal destruction as self-evident, but also obscures the larger contexts shaped by group relationships and the historical

in Recognition and Global Politics
Open Access (free)
Reading Half-Life
Barry Atkins

entertainment of the young, inevitably raises questions of taste, and in some quarters, of decency. Such texts appear to present themselves as something other than texts – something to be ‘acted out’ rather than something to be ‘read’, where the success of that act of performance is judged not by audience consensus or the level of applause that greets the fall of the final curtain, but by body count. Realism, a term rarely used with any critical sophistication in the marketing of such games (and yet a term that all marketing teams continue to deploy with enthusiasm), becomes

in More than a game
Martin D. Moore

). On quantification in medicine: G. Weisz, ‘From clinical counting to Evidence-Based Medicine’, in G. Forland, A. Opinel, and G. Weisz (eds.), Body Counts: Medical Quantification in Historical and Sociological Perspectives (Montreal: McGill University Press, 2005), pp. 377–93. 28 Both co-ordination and comparison were essential in securing multiple participating centres, and thus in increasing the power of the study through higher rates of subject enrolment. As Tattersall makes clear, the absence of a standard definition for what was being

in Managing diabetes, managing medicine
Martin D. Moore

profession: a theoretical overview’, Milbank Quarterly , 66:2 (1988), 10–32. 114 ‘Clinicians must be involved in purchasing’, BMJ , 306:6882 (1993), 935. 115 T. Delamothe, ‘Wanted: guidelines that doctors will follow’, BMJ , 307:6898 (1993), 218; G. Weisz, ‘From clinical counting to Evidence-Based Medicine’, in G. Forland, A. Opinel, and G. Weisz (eds.), Body Counts: Medical Quantification in Historical and Sociological Perspectives (Montreal: McGill University Press, 2005), pp. 377–93. 116 S

in Managing diabetes, managing medicine
Open Access (free)
Managing diabetes, managing medicine
Martin D. Moore

medicine: science, education and the transformation of medical practice in Sheffield, 1890–1922’, Medical History , 36:2 (1992), 125–59. 35 M. Berg, ‘Problems and promises of the protocol’, Social Science and Medicine , 44:8 (1997), 1081–8; G. Weisz, ‘From clinical counting to Evidence-Based Medicine’, in G. Forland, A. Opinel, and G. Weisz (eds.), Body Counts: Medical Quantification in Historical and Sociological Perspectives (Montreal: McGill University Press, 2005), pp. 377–93. 36 P. Addison, The Road to 1945

in Managing diabetes, managing medicine