Anti-capitalism and poststructuralist
Social anarchism has a long reputation as a disparate and incoherent ideology.
Commentators, sympathetic and objective alike, have frequently accused social
anarchism of being too diverse to constitute a singular, recognisable ideology at
all (Chomsky, 1970; Miller, 1984; Ball and Dagger, 1991). To a degree this is true:
social anarchism is a loose and diverse ideology that may be too elusive for some
commentators to categorise neatly and clearly. However, other commentators,
accept and work with the world as is –
rather than how it ought to be . In celebrating the positive demand for empathy,
humility and resilience, adaptive design supplants the call for systemic change. This
conservatism is an example of how a progressive neoliberalism ( Fraser, 2017 ) is dissolving and sapping the powers of resistance ( Han, 2010 ). The excessive positivity of adaptive design,
its endless willingness to happily fail-forward into the future, suits the economic logic of
late-capitalism. 2 To draw this out, it is
Economic democracy instead of more
capitalism: core historical concepts
‘“More capitalism” or “economic democracy” are . . . the signposts at the
crossroads where the Swedes will have to make a choice during the 1980s’,
the Swedish political scientist Walter Korpi wrote in 1983 (Korpi 1983:
3). Today we know only too well where the journey went and not only in
the stronghold of social democracy in the North. Everywhere in Europe the
social democratic left was driven back into defensive positions during the
James Baldwin, the Religious Right, and the Moral
In the 1980s, James Baldwin recognized that a major transformation had occurred in the
socio-political functions of religion. His critique adapted accordingly, focusing on the
ways in which religion—particularly white evangelical Christianity—had morphed into a
movement deeply enmeshed with mass media, conservativepolitics, and late capitalism.
Religion in the Reagan era was leveraged, sold, and consumed in ways never before seen,
from charismatic televangelists, to Christian-themed amusement parks, to mega-churches.
The new movement was often characterized as the “religious right” or the “Moral Majority”
and was central to both Reagan’s political coalition as well as the broader culture wars.
For Baldwin, this development had wide-ranging ramifications for society and the
individual. This article draws on Baldwin’s final major essay, “To Crush the Serpent”
(1987), to examine the author’s evolving thoughts on religion, salvation, and
transgression in the context of the Reagan era.
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
states, others, like the GATT [General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade],
were only for the capitalist world. There was an order, which, in theory, combined Western
democracy with a more-or-less regulated capitalism: the so-called liberal order – although
perhaps ‘liberal’ isn’t the most precise term, either in political or
economic terms. There were of course other characteristics. The promotion of human rights became
one, for example, albeit selective. When South Korea was still under dictatorship, we would ask
‘What about South Korea? Shouldn’t it
disillusioned with the truncated horizons of the New Left
and resigned to the triumph, for a generation or two, of welfare capitalism ( Meiksins Wood, 1995 ). Before this, global humanitarianism
had been a largely religious exercise, an extension of Christian ministry ( Barnett, 2011 ), while human rights barely registered on the world stage
( Moyn, 2010 ). From the 1970s on, the humanist
international became a place where disillusioned rebels could continue to work, albeit in a new
idiom, for those who suffered. They ceased working to any great extent on their
seen as ‘a historical invention and a tool of capitalism to reinvent itself and solve its problems’ ( Barnett and Weiss, 2008 : 16) and as a ‘liberal diagnostic, a recursive moral practice that helps constitute liberal politics as much as it projects that politics onto other people and places’ ( Reid-Henry, 2014 : 418). These two features are relevant in this work. On the one hand, they examine humanitarianism as a rationale for the Colombian government’s power, while on the other hand, the response to internal displacement does not address its causes, but rather
Schumpeter , J.
A. ( 2003 ), Capitalism, Socialism and
Democracy ( London :
T. ( 2016 ), ‘ Humanitarian
Neophilia: The “Innovation Turn” and Its
Implications’ , Third World
Quarterly , doi
Holter , Ø.
G. ( 1997 ).
Gender, Patriarchy and Capitalism: A Social Forms Analysis ,
( PhD thesis , The Work Research Institute
and University of Oslo ).
Inter-Agency Standing Committee (IASC)
( 2015 ), Guidelines for Integrating Gender-Based
Violence Interventions in Humanitarian Action: Reducing Risk, Promoting
Resilience and Aiding Recovery
How Can Humanitarian Analysis, Early Warning and Response Be
Aditya Sarkar, Benjamin J. Spatz, Alex de Waal, Christopher Newton, and Daniel Maxwell
that keeps a country vulnerable to humanitarian crisis, by continuing to
stymie the provision of public goods or perpetuating exploitative political
economies. For example, in the Sudanese case peace agreements have led to the
extension of agrarian capitalism into areas of smallholder farming ( Gallopin et al. ,
2021 ); in Syria it is leading post-conflict reconstruction contracts that
undermine livelihoods ( Kanfash,
2021 ). Another feature to