Despite the imperative for change in a world of persistent inequality, racism,
oppression and violence, difficulties arise once we try to bring about a
transformation. As scholars, students and activists, we may want to change the
world, but we are not separate, looking in, but rather part of the world
ourselves. The book demonstrates that we are not in control: with all our
academic rigour, we cannot know with certainty why the world is the way it is,
or what impact our actions will have. It asks what we are to do, if this is the
case, and engages with our desire to seek change. Chapters scrutinise the role
of intellectuals, experts and activists in famine aid, the Iraq war,
humanitarianism and intervention, traumatic memory, enforced disappearance, and
the Grenfell Tower fire, and examine the fantasy of security, contemporary
notions of time, space and materiality, and ideas of the human and sentience.
Plays and films by Michael Frayn, Chris Marker and Patricio Guzmán are
considered, and autobiographical narrative accounts probe the author’s life and
background. The book argues that although we might need to traverse the fantasy
of certainty and security, we do not need to give up on hope.
Multinational corporations are not merely the problem in environmental concerns, but could also be part of the solution. The oil industry and climate change provide the clearest example of how the two are linked; what is less well known is how the industry is responding to these concerns. This book presents a detailed study of the climate strategies of ExxonMobil, Shell and Statoil. Using an analytical approach, the chapters explain variations at three decision-making levels: within the companies themselves, in the national home-bases of the companies and at an international level. The analysis generates policy-relevant knowledge about whether and how corporate resistance to a viable climate policy can be overcome. The analytical approach developed by this book is also applicable to other areas of environmental degradation where multinational corporations play a central role.
This book attempts to convey the different sociological contexts for how contemporary anarchist theory and practice is to be understood. It concentrates on the issue of broadening the parameters of how anarchist theory and practice is conceptualized. The book compares the major philosophical differences and strategies between the classical period (what Dave Morland calls 'social anarchism') and the contemporary anti-capitalist movements which he regards as being poststructuralist in nature. It also documents the emergence of the now highly influential anti-technological and anti-civilisational strand in anarchist thought. This offers something of a challenge to anarchism as a political philosophy of the Enlightenment, as well as to other contemporary versions of ecological anarchism and, to some extent, anarcho-communism. The book further provides a snapshot of a number of debates and critical positions which inform contemporary anarchist practice. The specific areas covered offer unique perspectives on sexuality, education, addiction and mental health aspects of socialisation and how this can be challenged at a number of different levels. The fact that anarchism has largely premised its critique on a psychological dimension to power relations, not just a material one, has been an advantage in this respect. Ecological anarchism, which has been the driving force behind much contemporary anarchist theory and practice, has been committed to thinking about the relationships between people and 'nature' in new ways.
normative basis of UN
peacekeeping in intra-state conflicts has evolved unevenly but
appreciably in terms of both objectives and authority, with the shift in
the pattern of prescribed functions emerging as one important indicator
of this change.
Objectives were conceptualised here with reference to
four key principles enshrined in the UN Charter, namely peace and
This study explores the normative dimension of the evolving role of the United Nations in peace and security and, ultimately, in governance. What is dealt with here is both the UN's changing raison d'être and the wider normative context within which the organisation is located. The study looks at the UN through the window of one of its most contentious, yet least understood, practices: active involvement in intra-state conflicts as epitomised by UN peacekeeping. Drawing on the conceptual tools provided by the ‘historical structural’ approach, it seeks to understand how and why the international community continuously reinterprets or redefines the UN's role with regard to such conflicts. The study concentrates on intra-state ‘peacekeeping environments’, and examines what changes, if any, have occurred to the normative basis of UN peacekeeping in intra-state conflicts from the early 1960s to the early 1990s. One of the original aspects of the study is its analytical framework, where the conceptualisation of ‘normative basis’ revolves around objectives, functions and authority, and is closely connected with the institutionalised values in the UN Charter such as state sovereignty, human rights and socio-economic development.
Moving targets: rethinking anarchist
In the anarchist movement in Britain and across the world today, there are a
number of reasonably prolific publishing projects and a few moderately successful groups and organisations. It is even true that the word anarchism has lost
much of its popular perception as a source of terror and chaos, particularly in
‘anti-globalisation’ and environmental circles; but anarchism per se simply does
not have an impact on the vast majority of the population. This is not to say that
change is not
, inclusive one. This must be based upon an adaptability at seeing anarchist theory and practice as something that engages with as many areas of
society and culture as is practically possible, rather than existing only as a marginalised and somewhat élitist political force.
In order to arrive at this conclusion, we review the different ways that anarchism can be seen in terms of its often under-acknowledged role in political
change. In particular, we suggest that anarchism can serve as a ‘conscience’ to
many non-anarchist or marginally anarchist milieus in terms of the
Stirner, anarchy, subjectivity and the art of living
Lived poetry: Stirner, anarchy, subjectivity
and the art of living1
At the heart of the new anarchism(s) there lies a concern with developing a whole
new way of being in and acting upon the world.2 Contemporary revolutionary
anarchism is not merely interested in effecting changes in socioeconomic relations or dismantling the State, but in developing an entire art of living, which is
simultaneously anti-authoritarian, anti-ideological and antipolitical. The development of a distinctively anarchist savoir-vivre is a profoundly
Reflections on contemporary anarchism, anti-capitalism and the international scene
, as a means of alleviating alienation, pollution and misery.
After 11 September 2001 (or ‘9/11’, to use the almost universally adopted
American phrase), the anti-capitalist movement was declared dead by the mainstream. In reality, repressive bills had already begun to criminalise the movement
and stifle dissent by intimidation well before 11 September 2001. This chapter
considers the impact of the changing political scene in the last few years, and
notes the way in which anarchism has come into its own in confronting the intensified alliances between states
, it examines the ways UNRWA’s operational changes since January 2018 have
been experienced and conceptualised by Palestinians living in Lebanon. It does so through a
multiscalar analysis, tracing and examining processes taking place in the international arena,
on regional and national levels in the Middle East and within the Palestinian refugee camps of
Lebanon. 1 In January 2018, the US Government declared that it would contribute only $60 million
to UNRWA (compared to $364 million the previous year) 2 unless the Agency undertook specific US