This book provides an account of the University of Manchester's struggle to meet the government's demands for the rapid expansion of higher education in the 1950s and the 1960s. It looks at the University's ambitious building programme: the controversial attempts to reform its constitution and improve its communications amid demands for greater democracy in the workplace, the struggle to retain its old pre-eminence in a competitive world where new ‘green field’ universities were rivalling older civic institutions. The book tells the story, not just from the point of view of administrators and academics, but also from those of students and support staff (such as secretaries, technicians and engineers). It not only uses official records, but also student newspapers, political pamphlets and reminiscences collected through interviews.
truly of the centre rarely acknowledge the power
of the margins. Our dialogue is not with them but with each other.5
If Scotland’s sense of nationhood has a civic rather than an ethnic
base, with our surviving national institutions such as the law and education, and the mixed ethnic origins of Scots, then it is not surprising that
women may feel excluded from a full sense of being part of this imagined
nation. Only in the last twenty-five years or less have women been able
to participate fully in the civicinstitutions that constitute our nationness.
And there is a
instituted processes can be
seen to find their ‘place’ in different articulations with legal, political and civicinstitutions. So there is no question of the economic being dissolved in the
social, or vice versa, as with an over-sociologised view of embeddedness.
Rather there is mutual conditioning between, for example, competition law
and industrial organisation (as with Best). Third, and likewise, an IEP
approach opens up the possibility of running through from micro to macro,
from the motive for gain to the Gold Standard, and the articulation between
holding identical rights, or defined around primary commitment to civicinstitutions and language. Thus the state identified as bounded but unified and primary political community gained an essentially ontological, rather than contingent, political significance, quite independent of the composition of actual states and leaving aside the matter of the cost of ideals of uniformity. In many discussions around ethics and rights the state retains this significance. Although either community or universality may receive priority as the context for moral growth, the pull