THIS CHAPTER EXPANDS further on the construct of the ‘defending democracy’ by inquiring into the ‘pro-democratic civilsociety’ and its role in the context of the ‘defending democracy’ model. The following pages will underscore the significance of the actions of this non-state actor in the ‘defending democracy’s’ transition from the ‘militant’ to the ‘immunised’ model. The fundamental argument here submits that, as a result of its isolation from the State, ‘civilsociety’ in Israel probably plays a threefold role in safeguarding Israeli
Established during the Guatemalan Peace Process, the Oslo Accord contemplates the
question of compensating the victims of internal armed conflict. Not only was this accord
founded on the principles of victims rights, but it also intends to contribute to the
democratic reconstruction of Guatemalan society through a process of recognition of
victims status and memory – intended to have a reconciling function. The article focuses
on the work of two organisations implementing the Oslo Accord and aims to analyse the
discourses and practices of the local actors and their perception of the application of
victims rights. Civil society actors and members of the National Compensation Programme
demonstrate different approaches both in practical work and in representations of what is
right. However, revendication of local cultural values is present in all actors discourse,
revealing their ambiguous position in regard to state government.
The role of national machineries, as a way to promote the status of women, acquired international relevance during the World Conference on the International Women's Year, in Mexico City in 1975. This book reflects Division for the Advancement of Women's (DAW) long-standing interest in the area of national machineries, bringing together the experiences, research and insights of experts. The first part of the book sets out the major issues facing national machineries at the conceptual level. It reflects upon five aspects of democratization: devolution or decentralization; the role of political parties; monitoring and auditing systems; and the importance of increasing the presence of women within institutions of the state and government. The second part is a comparative analysis and sets out the major issues facing national machineries at the political level. A combination of factors, including civil society, state bodies and political actors, need to come together for national machineries to function effectively in the interest of gender equality. Next comes the 'lessons learned' by national machineries in mainstreaming gender. National machineries should have an achievable agenda, an important part of which must be 'a re-definition of gender issues. The third part contains case studies that build upon the specific experiences of national machineries in different countries. The successful experience of Nordic countries in gender mainstreaming is also discussed.
This book is based on a three-year international comparative study on poverty reduction and sustainability strategies . It provides evidence from twenty case studies around the world on the power and potential of community and higher education based scholars and activists working together in the co-creation of transformative knowledge. Opening with a theoretical overview of knowledge, democracy and action, the book is followed by analytical chapters providing lessons learned and capacity building, and on the theory and practice of community university research partnerships. It also includes lessons on models of evaluation, approaches to measuring the impact and an agenda for future research and policy recommendations. The book overviews the concept of engaged scholarship and then moves to focus on community-university research partnerships. It is based on a global empirical study of the role of community-university research partnerships within the context of poverty alleviation, the creation of sustainable societies and, broadly speaking, the Millennium Development Goals. The book frames the contribution of community-university research partnerships within a larger knowledge democracy framework, linking this practice to other spaces of knowledge democracy. These include the open access movement, new acceptance of the methods of community-based and participatory research and the call for cognitive justice or the need for epistemologies of the Global South. It takes a particular look at the variety of structures that have been created in the various universities and civil society research organizations to facilitate and enhance research partnerships.
This article considers how the reburial and commemoration of the human remains of the
Republican defeated during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) is affected by the social,
scientific and political context in which the exhumations occur. Focusing on a particular
case in the southwestern region of Extremadura, it considers how civil society groups
administer reburial acts when a positive identification through DNA typing cannot be
attained. In so doing, the article examines how disparate desires and memories come
together in collective reburial of partially individuated human remains.
Sacralisation and militarisation in the remembrance of the ‘cursed soldiers’
Marije Hristova and Monika Żychlińska
Between 2012 and 2017, at the Ł-section of Warsaw’s Powązki Military Cemetery, or ‘Łączka’, the Polish Institute of National Remembrance exhumed a mass grave containing the remains of post-war anti-communist resistance fighters. Being referred to as the ‘cursed soldiers’, these fighters have become key figures in post-2015 Polish memory politics. In this article we focus on the role of the volunteers at these exhumations in the production of the ‘cursed soldiers’ memory. Following the idea of community archaeology as a civil society-building practice, the observed processes of sacralisation and militarisation show how the exhumations create a community of memory that promotes the core values of the currently governing national-conservative PiS party. We found that tropes related to forensic research and typically identified with cosmopolitan memory paradigms are used within a generally nationalist and antagonistic memory framework.
German Responses to the June 2019 Mission of the Sea-Watch 3
In recent years, the arrival of asylum seekers and other irregularised migrants 1 in Europe has prompted both hostility and hospitality. The latter has been evident largely in Europe itself, as individuals and civilsociety groups have welcomed new arrivals by offering to help them find their feet: for example, by assisting them with language learning, accompanying them on visits to the doctor or providing advice on how to secure accommodation or a job. It has been less common for Europeans to support migrants as they attempt to cross the EU’s external or
involved in various research related to health in conflict settings with LSHTM, Chatham House and The Lancet– AUB Commission on Syria. He is now a research associate with the Research for Health in Conflict in the Middle East and North Africa (R4HC-MENA) project at King’s College London. He is still a regular contributor to many medical and civilsociety entities in Syria and in the Middle East. Ammar Sabouni is also a Syrian physician who started his medical training in Damascus, Syria (2011–13). During those years, and at the start of the conflict, he worked as an
Programme (WFP). However, the Moon–Kim summits have not brought the resumption of previous inter-Korean activities such as increased ability for humanitarian aid from South Korean civilsociety. 1
While much of the focus amongst academics, policymakers and the public alike has centred on the DPRK’s nuclear programme, humanitarian and human rights issues are of vital importance to the 25 million people living inside the country. The regime’s controls on information, movement and access to the outside world hinder knowledge on the humanitarian situation for average and
Lessons Learned for Engagement in Fragile and Conflict-Affected States
) ( USAID, 2012b ), supporting civilsociety ( USAID, 2016 ), and engaging in more community-based participatory approaches ( Save the Children, 2011 ; UNDP, 2012 ). The donor community has not developed an ‘overall strategic plan for recovery and development for itself or in collaboration with the government’, raising serious questions about the sustainability of action to-date ( Norad, 2016 : 3, also UNICEF, 2015 ).
The emergence of new initiatives to collect and share evaluation reports are encouraging. Donors are making their reports easier to