came to be known as the ‘standard of civilization’. 2
European international society and the
‘standard of civilization’
International society as it emerged from the
Renaissance was the Christian society of states, despite the fact that the classic
jurists from the sixteenth to the mid-eighteenth century (Vitoria, Suarez,
Gentili, Grotius, Pufendorf, Wolff and Vattel) 3 had spoken in terms of universal society, though probably not
in the sense that we use
Martin , S.
( 2015 ), A Short History of Disease:
Plagues, Poxes and Civilizations
( Harpenden : Oldcastle
Rieff , D.
( 2002 ), A Bed for the Night:
Humanitarianism in Crisis ( London :
back to Albina, a little girl she saw in an article … I kept this.
The editors of the three series of magazines invested much time in receiving and answering children’s communications. Rockbrune’s collection includes the 1991 leaflet announcing the annual essay-writing competition of the Museum of Civilization, a call to primary and secondary school children and youth to write tales on celebrations around the world, and the magazine Somewhere Today , which invited readers to send drawings, comic strips, texts and questions for its section ‘It’s Your Turn
This book is an attempt at a comprehensive presentation of the history of humanitarian intervention in the long nineteenth century, the heyday of this controversial doctrine. It starts with a brief presentation of the present situation and debate. The theoretical first part of the book starts with the genealogy of the idea, namely the quest for the progenitors of the idea in the sixteenth and seventeenth century which is a matter of controversy. Next the nineteenth century ‘civilization-barbarity’ dichotomy is covered and its bearing on humanitarian intervention, with its concomitant Eurocentric/Orientalist gaze towards the Ottomans and other states, concluding with the reaction of the Ottomans (as well as the Chinese and Japanese). Then the pivotal international law dimension is scrutinized, with the arguments of advocates and opponents of humanitarian intervention from the 1830s until the 1930s. The theoretical part of the book concludes with nineteenth century international political theory and intervention (Kant, Hegel, Cobden, Mazzini and especially J.S. Mill). In the practical second part of the book four cases studies of humanitarian intervention are examined in considerable detail: the Greek case (1821-1831), the Lebanon/Syria case (1860-61), the Balkan crisis and Bulgarian case (1875-78) in two chapters, and the U.S. intervention in Cuba (1895-98). Each cases study concludes with its bearing on the evolution of international norms and rules of conduct in instances of humanitarian plights. The concluding chapter identifies the main characteristics of intervention on humanitarian grounds during this period and today’s criticism and counter-criticism.
The book argues that the frontier, usually associated with the era of colonial conquest, has great, continuing and under explored relevance to the Caribbean region. Identifying the frontier as a moral, ideational and physical boundary between what is imagined as civilization and wilderness, the book seeks to extend frontier analysis by focusing on the Eastern Caribbean multi island state of St. Vincent and the Grenadines. The continuing relevance of the concept of frontier, and allied notions of civilization and wilderness, are illuminated through an analysis of the ways in which SVG is perceived and experienced by both outsiders to the society and its insiders. Using literary sources, biographies and autobiography, the book shows how St. Vincent is imagined and made sense of as a modern frontier; a society in the balance between an imposed civilized order and an untameable wild that always encroaches, whether in the form of social dislocation, the urban presence of the ‘Wilderness people’ or illegal marijuana farming in the northern St. Vincent hills. The frontier as examined here has historically been and remains very much a global production. Simultaneously, it is argued that contemporary processes of globalization shape the development of tourism and finance sectors, as well as patterns of migration, they connect to shifting conceptions of the civilized and the wild, and have implications for the role of the state and politics in frontier societies.
This is a detailed study of the various ways in which London and India were imaginatively constructed by British observers during the nineteenth century. This process took place within a unified field of knowledge that brought together travel and evangelical accounts to exert a formative influence on the creation of London and India for the domestic reading public. Their distinct narratives, rhetoric and chronologies forged homologies between representations of the metropolitan poor and colonial subjects—those constituencies that were seen as the most threatening to imperial progress. Thus the poor and particular sections of the Indian population were inscribed within discourses of western civilization as regressive and inferior peoples. Over time, these discourses increasingly promoted notions of overt and rigid racial hierarchies, the legacy of which remains to this day. This comparative analysis looks afresh at the writings of observers such as Henry Mayhew, Patrick Colquhoun, Charles Grant, Pierce Egan, James Forbes and Emma Roberts, thereby seeking to rethink the location of the poor and India within the nineteenth-century imagination. Drawing upon cultural and intellectual history, it also attempts to extend our understanding of the relationship between ‘centre’ and ‘periphery’.
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism
of the earlier Soviet studies ( Fuller and Lesser,
1995 ). Students of IR concerned with the study of the Middle East
and those who have turned to focus on Islamic civilization are caught,
however, between a tremendously increasing Islamophobia in the West and
the need to inquire into the threats to security by what is termed
‘Islamism’. Those who study Islamism while dealing with
security are thus
approach, presenting it as a form of national collective
solidarity. He suggests: ‘The true measure of our civilization is
not in the individual efforts of our distinguished persons but in the
community and solidarity of the people as a whole in the process of
nation-building’ (Gonsalves, 2001 : 34). 5
The notion of civilisation in the Caribbean, and
specifically in the Vincentian context, has had a long
perceived in the now commonplace notion of ‘Caribbean
civilization’, variously and loosely defined (see Chapter 3 below). For ideological and
aspirational reasons – driven variously by the Afro-centric
reaction to centuries of racial denigration and the desire of
post-independence leaders to demonstrate their own modernity –
critical or analytical interest in Caribbean civilisation’s
familiar in the context of democratization and assuming that
it functions in the same way in Asia (and indeed in other
areas of the world) as it does in the West.
Asian values and the politics of rejection: what Asia isn’t
A clear notion of what East Asia means in terms of studies
of democratization in large part emerges from the ‘Asian
values’ debate, which in itself has been spurred by
Huntington’s (1996) notion of a ‘clash of civilizations’. The
idea that there are a set of Asian values that are effectively
different from Western traditions has