In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
historical conflicts, colonialoppression
and political violence’, in A. Gonzalez-Ruibal & G. Moshenka (ed.),
Ethics and the Archaeology of Violence (London: Springer, 2015).
96 José López Mazz
J. López Mazz (ed.), ‘Informe de actividades del Grupo de Investigación
en Antropología Forense’, Presidencia de la República, 2005; López Mazz
& Bracco, Minuanes.
López Mazz, ‘Informe de actividades’, 2005.
Comisión para la Paz, ‘Informe final’.
López Mazz, ‘Informe de actividades’, 2005; López Mazz, ‘Informe de
actividades’, 2011; López
from Britain, France, the Netherlands or Germany; yet others have situated the region's national identities in genuine solidarity with the subjects of colonialoppression and the marginalisation of blackness. The puzzle of how the same collective identities could lend themselves to both positions is the subject of this book.
Translations of Black European dance music: national and racialised bodies
The most unambiguous identification of nationhood with Europeanness through an explicitly racialised geopolitical imagination in
Revolutionary nationalism and women’s representation in Ngugi wa Thiong’o
class’, he will, he
maintains, seek to create in his ﬁction ‘a picture of a strong determined woman
with a will to resist and to struggle’ as an example for his audience.7 He also
makes frequent reference to the parts played by women like Mary Nyanjiru and
Me Kitilili in resistance to Kenyan colonialoppression,8 and to how women
participated on equal terms with men in the dramatic experiments that he
helped to organise at Kamiirithu in Kenya in 1977.9
It cannot escape notice, however, that Ngugi’s gaze remains ﬁxed on the
‘most remarkable’ historical ﬁgures (of men
peers are confident that they made the best of a bad situation, created
by the powers of global capitalism, colonialism and racist exploitation.
Though they had very few resources at their disposal, colonialoppressions did not achieve total domination. They used their
creativity, the blessings that nature provided and the refuse others
discarded to transform material lack in the 1950s and 1960s into
of colonialoppression, Ireland has always voiced strong support for the
United Nations, and, specifically, the 1951 Convention Relating to the
Status of Refugees, although this support was often more in terms of
image than substance. Since the emergence of the Celtic Tiger, the Irish
state has increasingly interpreted international protocols and legislation
relating to migration in an illiberal spirit. In addition, it has failed to
adopt a number of international laws relating to human rights and
. This type of rhetoric was also evident with
anti-Semitism, which is the paragon of a planned and systematic genocide.’45
This is an obvious example of the Manichaean morality that pervaded
Croatian and Serbian nationalism. Both sides ignored the real similarities of
Starčević’s and Karadzić’s national programmes, which were both bent on
uniting the South Slavs against colonialoppression.
The mid-nineteenth century is consistently presented as the time when
the Croats first became a primary target of Serbian aggression. The first
anti-Croatian demonstration took
The origins of the Algerian women’s movement, 1945–54
From the Sétif Massacre to the
November insurrection: the origins of the
Algerian women’s movement, 1945–54
The centre of gravity of this study lies in the French emancipation campaign from 1956 to 1962, but to understand the extent to which this
was innovative or marked a break with the past requires some idea of
that which preceded it. This chapter explores a number of issues: first, it
provides a brief background sketch of the overall social, economic and
political situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade. The
triple colonialoppression of
whose writings sought to mobilise Muslims across the world around the concept of
Islamic unity. Afghani’s work framed Islamic unity as a response to colonialoppression,
where injustice provoked the need for collective response. Yet this was not a call for
the rejection of the nation state, but rather a ‘civilisational discourse’ in response to
The dawla and the umma
The inability of Muslims across the world to identify with this ‘imagined
community’ meant that Afghani’s project ultimately failed in practice, but the
legacy of his work