In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.
historical conflicts, colonial oppression and political violence’, in A. Gonzalez-Ruibal & G. Moshenka (ed.), Ethics and the Archaeology of Violence (London: Springer, 2015). 96 José López Mazz 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 J. López Mazz (ed.), ‘Informe de actividades del Grupo de Investigación en Antropología Forense’, Presidencia de la República, 2005; López Mazz & Bracco, Minuanes. López Mazz, ‘Informe de actividades’, 2005. Ibid. Comisión para la Paz, ‘Informe final’. López Mazz, ‘Informe de actividades’, 2005; López Mazz, ‘Informe de actividades’, 2011; López
from Britain, France, the Netherlands or Germany; yet others have situated the region's national identities in genuine solidarity with the subjects of colonial oppression and the marginalisation of blackness. The puzzle of how the same collective identities could lend themselves to both positions is the subject of this book. Translations of Black European dance music: national and racialised bodies The most unambiguous identification of nationhood with Europeanness through an explicitly racialised geopolitical imagination in
class’, he will, he maintains, seek to create in his fiction ‘a picture of a strong determined woman with a will to resist and to struggle’ as an example for his audience.7 He also makes frequent reference to the parts played by women like Mary Nyanjiru and Me Kitilili in resistance to Kenyan colonial oppression,8 and to how women participated on equal terms with men in the dramatic experiments that he helped to organise at Kamiirithu in Kenya in 1977.9 It cannot escape notice, however, that Ngugi’s gaze remains fixed on the ‘most remarkable’ historical figures (of men
peers are confident that they made the best of a bad situation, created by the powers of global capitalism, colonialism and racist exploitation. Though they had very few resources at their disposal, colonial oppressions did not achieve total domination. They used their creativity, the blessings that nature provided and the refuse others discarded to transform material lack in the 1950s and 1960s into
own experience of colonial oppression, Ireland has always voiced strong support for the eih ch-4.P65 89 26/3/03, 15:10 90 Loyal United Nations, and, specifically, the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, although this support was often more in terms of image than substance. Since the emergence of the Celtic Tiger, the Irish state has increasingly interpreted international protocols and legislation relating to migration in an illiberal spirit. In addition, it has failed to adopt a number of international laws relating to human rights and racism
1 From the Sétif Massacre to the November insurrection: the origins of the Algerian women’s movement, 1945–54 The centre of gravity of this study lies in the French emancipation campaign from 1956 to 1962, but to understand the extent to which this was innovative or marked a break with the past requires some idea of that which preceded it. This chapter explores a number of issues: first, it provides a brief background sketch of the overall social, economic and political situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade. The triple colonial oppression of
whose writings sought to mobilise Muslims across the world around the concept of Islamic unity. Afghani’s work framed Islamic unity as a response to colonial oppression, where injustice provoked the need for collective response. Yet this was not a call for the rejection of the nation state, but rather a ‘civilisational discourse’ in response to colonialism.98 109 The dawla and the umma 109 The inability of Muslims across the world to identify with this ‘imagined community’ meant that Afghani’s project ultimately failed in practice, but the legacy of his work
. This type of rhetoric was also evident with anti-Semitism, which is the paragon of a planned and systematic genocide.’45 This is an obvious example of the Manichaean morality that pervaded Croatian and Serbian nationalism. Both sides ignored the real similarities of Starčević’s and Karadzić’s national programmes, which were both bent on uniting the South Slavs against colonial oppression. The mid-nineteenth century is consistently presented as the time when the Croats first became a primary target of Serbian aggression. The first anti-Croatian demonstration took