Frédéric Le Marcis, Luisa Enria, Sharon Abramowitz, Almudena-Mari Saez and Sylvain Landry B. Faye
could be lost again as the material benefits associated with humanitarian interventions were seen to be unevenly shared. The lesson here for community engagement during emergencies is that no ‘one size fits all’, that inflexible or top-down responses are not appropriate and that community engagement requires the fundamental recognition that within communitiespower and legitimacy are always contested resources. Effective community engagement requires a dynamic awareness of history, context and power that remains conscious of how legitimacy and authority are pursued
This book is based on a three-year international comparative study on poverty reduction and sustainability strategies . It provides evidence from twenty case studies around the world on the power and potential of community and higher education based scholars and activists working together in the co-creation of transformative knowledge. Opening with a theoretical overview of knowledge, democracy and action, the book is followed by analytical chapters providing lessons learned and capacity building, and on the theory and practice of community university research partnerships. It also includes lessons on models of evaluation, approaches to measuring the impact and an agenda for future research and policy recommendations. The book overviews the concept of engaged scholarship and then moves to focus on community-university research partnerships. It is based on a global empirical study of the role of community-university research partnerships within the context of poverty alleviation, the creation of sustainable societies and, broadly speaking, the Millennium Development Goals. The book frames the contribution of community-university research partnerships within a larger knowledge democracy framework, linking this practice to other spaces of knowledge democracy. These include the open access movement, new acceptance of the methods of community-based and participatory research and the call for cognitive justice or the need for epistemologies of the Global South. It takes a particular look at the variety of structures that have been created in the various universities and civil society research organizations to facilitate and enhance research partnerships.
Offline and online games, branding and humanitarianism at the Roskilde
Lene Bull Christiansen and Mette Fog Olwig
), Political Ecology of Tourism. Community, Power
and the Environment ( New
York : Routledge , 2016 ), pp. 108 – 28 .
Hildebrandt and Stadil, Company
See his website ( www.christianstadil.com .
Accessed 6 March
As Crouch (1979) notes, social theory in the 1970s accorded increasing attention to the role of the state. Within
Europe, much of this centred on the Marxist tradition
(Table 8.2, column 1). However, within the United States,
while political science accorded little attention to developing a systematic social theory of the state, a few scholars
such as Robert Dahl explored the issue of communitypower.
Other leading political scientists argued that democratic
influence and how they relate to power. In a security community, power
can be understood in terms of having a significant influence on the
norms that specify common action (cf. Adler and Barnett 1998 : 52). Partner: Commitments to support and cooperate closely with
another state indicate perceptions of a ‘special
relationship’ and strategic partnership. This role is interesting,
make a case
for the enmeshed productions of modernity and identity, formed and
transformed within spatial/temporal processes. Here are to be found
entangled procedures of empire and Enlightenment, race and reason,
colony and nation, history and community, power and meaning, and
authority and alterity, which stretch across while they equally construe
continents and epochs, space and time
the public and private
sectors to full consultation in all the vital decisions of management,
especially those affecting conditions of work’. It, moreover, remained
convinced that these objectives could be achieved only through ‘an
expansion of common ownership substantial enough to give the communitypower over the commanding heights of the economy’ –
although private enterprise had a legitimate place in the economy and
nationalisation would be applied only ‘according to circumstances’.
Finally, Labour stood for ‘the happiness and freedom of the individual
black magic and bogeymen in Northern Ireland, 1973–74
living in the ‘last
days’ (for the moment anyway).
The final answer is that during the spring of May 1974, both
the press and Army intelligence had other, if not better, things on which to
concentrate. Loyalist resistance to the cross-community, power-sharing
Executive – the British attempt to fill the local political vacuum created
by the demise of Stormont and provide a basis for non-sectarian politics
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis and Kostas Ifantis
having to rely upon the
convergence of short-term national interests for the formulation of common
policies. Herein lies federalism’s greatest contribution to the cause of European
unity: in the ‘inclusive’ political community, power and responsibility should be
seen as being mutually supportive, rather than as a competitive tussle for political authority between the collectivity and the segments.
Writing on the strategic aims of the Federalist Movement, Levi refers to ‘the
objective of changing the character of exclusive communities which nationstates have and