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For over five decades, the Cold War security agenda was distinguished by the principal strategic balance, that of a structure of bipolarity, between the United States (US) and the Soviet Union (USSR). This book seeks to draw from current developments in critical security studies in order to establish a new framework of inquiry for security in the Middle East. It addresses the need to redefine security in the Middle East. The focus is squarely on the Arab-Israeli context in general, and the Palestinian-Israeli context in particular. The character of Arab-Israeli relations are measured by the Israeli foreign policy debate from the 1950s to the 1990s. A dialogue between Islam and Islamism as a means to broaden the terrain on which conflict resolution and post-bipolar security in the Middle East is to be understood is presented. The Middle East peace process (MEPP) was an additional factor in problematizing the military-strategic concept of security in the Middle East. The shift in analysis from national security to human security reflects the transformations of the post-Cold War era by combining military with non-military concerns such as environmental damage, social unrest, economic mismanagement, cultural conflict, gender inequity and radical fundamentalism. By way of contrast to realist international relations (IR) theory, developing-world theorists have proposed a different set of variables to explain the unique challenges facing developing states. Finally, the book examines the significance of ecopolitics in security agendas in the Middle East.

The organisation of war-escalation in the Krajina region of Croatia 1990–91

reform and institutional formation in the process of societal transformation. The leader–followeroriented perspective was chosen to avoid the hypothesis that conflict escalation was inevitable. The analysis of the year before the outbreak of open war in June 1991 is sub24 War-escalation in the Krajina region 1990–91 divided into three sections focusing on distinct phases in the development: first the popularisation and institutionalisation of national front-lines, secondly, the mobilisation for violent conflict resolution and, finally, the importance of the potential of

in Potentials of disorder

conflict management and conflict resolution can work. Where security interests are constructed in mutually exclusive ways, neo-realist objections to neo-liberal arguments apply. In the hot spots of Eurasia, security dilemmas continue to exist within and between states because states and groups define their security in mutually exclusive ways. In ethnic conflicts such as those in the Balkans, institutional arrangements to manage conflict will remain fragile as long as and to the degree that ethnic attitudes and goals remain mutually hostile. Furthermore, even the fragile

in Limiting institutions?

Caucasian) level, to resolve common problems (the Confederation of Mountain Peoples of the Caucasus – CMPC); (3) although the idea of the Common Caucasian Home had never been realised in practice, it has been discussed: cooperative organisations had contributed to conflict resolution in the Caucasus. Both processes – the growth of competitive ethno-national movements and the development of different cooperative organisations – reflect a multi-level choice of identity among the population of this region, who ascribe themselves to a local community, to a tribe, to an ethnos

in Potentials of disorder
Open Access (free)
A reminder from the present

stress that the BA is not about maintaining the ‘British’ constitutional system. Compromise, it is argued, is based upon the creation of a new and renewable constitutional settlement.9 In reality, however, the ability of the BA to dilute the rationale of ethnosectarianism is over-emphasised.10 In economic and cultural terms, the endorsement of equalisation, as outlined in the BA, is represented as being capable of diluting the logic for ethnically defined labour markets and claims of cultural disaffection. In terms of ‘conflict resolution’, the aim of the BA is to

in The end of Irish history?
Is the CFSP sui generis?

, conflict resolution would come to replace simple bargaining. At least three forms of conflict resolution could be distinguished (Haas 1961 : 367–9; Lindberg 1963 : 11–12). The first, ‘lowest common denominator bargaining’, resembled the style traditionally associated with inter-governmental diplomacy, with the overall outcome determined by the least cooperative state. The two other forms of conflict resolution both involved

in Rethinking European Union Foreign Policy
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Redefining security in the Middle East

–neomarxism, historical materialism, feminism, environmentalism, postcolonialism and postmodernism. This dissident trend, a broad canvas referred to as ‘critical security studies’, has shed light on some of the emerging patterns of conflict that have dramatically altered both the contours of security and the possibilities for conflict resolution in the post-Cold War era. The task of revisiting the subject of security has

in Redefining security in the Middle East

political solutions have usually been abandoned in favour of providing some form of ‘temporary’ military security. The role of the OSCE missions and of the HCNM, by contrast, is ideally to enter into a situation long before it reaches the violent stage. By trying to assure full rights for all citizens in multinational states and by providing facilities for mediation and conflict resolution at the grassroots level, these institutions seek to head off incidents before they reach the boiling point. A further limitation of NATO is that it is still viewed with considerable

in Limiting institutions?
Open Access (free)
The potential and limits of EU development cooperation policy

such as democracy and good governance but having difficulty in applying criteria consistently. It is also evident in the new focus on conflict resolution which can be dealt with more easily than poverty and/or for which the EU will at least gain public credibility for trying. These defects are exacerbated by those factors which the Council and Commission have identified as being problematic in the policy-making process, namely the lack of coherence between different sectors of Community policy and inconsistencies between Community policy and member states’ national

in EU development cooperation
A dialogue with Islam as a pattern of conflict resolution and a security approach vis-à-vis Islamism

conflict on all three levels: domestic, regional and international. In our time we need to include cultural dialogue as a peace strategy for the twenty-first century in the study of security and the related conflict studies as an alternative to the clash of civilizations (see Herzog, 1999 ; Tibi, 1999a ). Dialogue is a means of conflict resolution. Fundamentalists

in Redefining security in the Middle East