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This book provides an introduction to how the Länder (the sixteen states of Germany) function, not only within the country itself, but also within the wider context of Europe's political affairs. It looks at the Länder in the constitutional order of the country, as well as their political and administrative systems, and also discusses their organisation and administration, together with their financial administration. Finally, the book looks at the role of political parties and elections in the Länder, and considers the importance of their parliaments.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
Cameron Ross

divisions between federal subjects. Indeed, the demands for legal separatism and the development of bilateralism can be seen as logical responses to the constitutional inequalities inherent in the system. The foundations of Russia’s constitutional order The manner by which Russia’s constitutional foundations were laid down have also had a major impact on its transition. As we have seen the foundations of Russia’s constitutional order were born out of conflict and coercion rather than dialogue and consensus. And the Constitution was largely imposed from above on a weak

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
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Between political controversy and administrative efficiency
Kenneth A. Armstrong and Simon Bulmer

, Welsh, etc.) as well as the complex situation in Northern Ireland. Finally, the constitutional order – of England in particular – has evolved peacefully over many centuries, with no breach of territorial or constitutional integrity. This constitutional order has been stable for much of the post-war period. However, the Labour government embarked on several major reform exercises, which we discuss at the end of the chapter. The national policy-cycle: a Rolls Royce machinery with erratic politicians at the wheel? The conduct of the United Kingdom’s European policy is

in Fifteen into one?
Open Access (free)
Thomas Salmon’s Modern History
Ben Dew

’ of the present, therefore, were not the product of ancient precedent, but the ratifications provided by a ‘Thousand Acts and Concessions of our Princes’.43 Such ideas directly informed Modern History, and helped to ensure that Salmon’s approach to prerogative was fundamentally at odds with Rapin’s and Bolingbroke’s. For Rapin, while its legitimate limits were set by the Saxon constitution, monarchical prerogative, in de facto terms, constituted an unstable element, which periodically threatened to undermine the constitutional order. Salmon, in contrast, argued that

in Commerce, finance and statecraft
Open Access (free)
A never-ending story of mutual attraction and estrangement
Nikos Frangakis and Antonios D. Papayannides

Constitutional Implications of Greek Accession to the European Communities’, in: Common Market Law Review, No. 17/1, 1980, pp. 161 ff.; Theodora Antoniou, Europäische Integration und Griechische Verfassung, (Frankfurt aM, 1985); Ioannis Drossos, Greek Constitutional Order and the European Communities [in Greek] (Athens: Ant. Sakkoulas, 1987), pp. 80 ff., Antonis Manitakis, ‘The Limits of Community Competence and its Constitutional Reading’ [in Greek], To Syntagma, 1984, pp. 472 ff., Georgia Papadimitriou, ‘The Constitution and the Maastricht Treaty’ [in Greek], Economiocs

in Fifteen into one?
Open Access (free)
Deciphering power in Russia
Andrew Monaghan

‘liberals’. Both of these approaches relate the discussion to the evolution and limits of Russian democracy. The first suggests that a ‘dual order’ has emerged which combines formal structures of state and informal rules, a constitutional order buttressed by an administrative regime – the hybrid result being a combination of democratic institutions but authoritarian practices. The regime operates through

in The new politics of Russia
Arthur B. Gunlicks

the empire were used increasingly to air differences between Prussia and Austria, and the smaller states began to consider alliances to ally themselves against both of the larger states. Prussia took up the idea on its own and formed an Alliance of German Princes which in 1785 consisted of Prussia, Hanover, Saxony, and later others, with the goal of protecting and preserving the constitutional order of the empire. Soon, however, the Alliance failed and the empire was in a desultory condition when the French Revolution broke out in 1789.44 The French Revolution and

in The Länder and German federalism
Paul G. Lewis

but may also play a part in creating the political reality that it reflects. CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE 165 Conclusions: Europeanization and the quality of post-communist democracy Different reasons have been identified to explain the deficiencies of the post-communist democracies. One dwells on the weak development of the rule of law and a consequent failure to build an adequate constitutional order (Merkel and Croissant 2000: 31–47). Another claims that basic institutions are absent: the new regimes have been installed in contexts that lack the framework of the

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Madeleine Davis

’s archaic constitutional order. Peripheral nationalism was for a time seen as holding out the possibility for such a ‘break up of Britain’ (Nairn 1977) and, later, the split in the Labour Party was also viewed in this light. The hope was that the polarisation of the party might presage a disintegration of labourism in its existing form that could enable the Left to break free of its crippling confines. If this hope proved a vain one, Nairn’s work continued to feed into a developing corpus of New Left and Marxist-inspired work which broadened out the analysis beyond

in Interpreting the Labour Party