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This substantially updated and revised edition offers a comprehensive overview of the challenges confronting the political system as well as the international politics of the European Union. It draws from a spectrum of regional integration theories to determine what the Union actually is and how it is developing, examining the constitutional politics of the European Union, from the Single European Act to the Treaty of Nice and beyond. The ongoing debate on the future of Europe links together the questions of democracy and legitimacy, competences and rights, and the prospects for European polity-building. The aim is to contribute to a better understanding of the emerging European polity and the questions that further treaty reform generates for the future of the regional system. The authors also assess the evolving European security architecture; the limits and possibilities of a genuine European foreign, security and defence policy; and the role of the EU in the post-Cold War international system. Common themes involve debates about stability and instability, continuity and change, multipolarity and leadership, co-operation and discord, power capabilities and patterns of behaviour. The book traces the defining features of the ‘new order’ in Europe and incorporates an analysis of the post-September 11th context.

Open Access (free)
A reminder from the present
Pete Shirlow

how the ideological divisions between Irishness and Britishness continue to be reproduced, despite the supposed evaporation of such discursive constructions. In pinpointing the divisions that remain and those that may reappear, this chapter argues that the capacity exists for sectarian consciousness to spread throughout the Irish body politic. The Irish ‘problem’ remains one of territory, given the existence of a border that acts as a social, constitutional, political and cultural divide. However, the northern problem may become a southern reality. A fundamental

in The end of Irish history?
Open Access (free)
Jeremy Gould

place of the conventional, jural notion of citizenship, anthropologists tend to stress its historically contingent, dynamic and contested nature. Rather than engage with the core juridical issues of 34 DISCIPLINES constitutional politics, anthropologists have been more interested in the margins of political selfhood – in transnational situations such as those involving migrants, or vigilantism, and transborder residents, or in situations where countervailing authorities compete with the state for the loyalty of subjects. Indeed, in problematizing the very category

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Open Access (free)
The Republic and Northern Ireland since 1990
Michael Parker

’, fostering the ‘healing’ of ‘divisions’.32 The Downing Street Declaration incorporated both the Irish people’s right to self-determination and the principle of consent, without which there would be no prospect of Irish unification. The British offered no timetable for withdrawal from the province, though it did commit itself ‘to encourage, facilitate and enable’ dialogue on the ‘new political framework’.33 While keen to encourage republicans to abandon armed struggle in favour of constitutional politics, Major could not afford to alienate unionist opinion. Five times the

in Irish literature since 1990
James Bohman

become pitched conflicts, whose constant recurrence indicates a lack of problem-solving capacity in the current deliberative framework. The community that this framework creates is not one that is pluralistic across sufficient dimensions. Spurred by persistent deep conflicts (and not merely everyday persistent disagreement), debates about the framework for deliberation and the ideal of democratic community can lead to a period of ‘constitutional politics’ such as was the case in the Reconstruction period and the New Deal in United States history, when the deliberative

in The culture of toleration in diverse societies
Patrick Doyle

the same time, the Irish Revival benefited from the perceived irrelevance of constitutional politics. Irish nationalism lost momentum after the death of Charles Stewart Parnell and the consequent split in the IPP in the 1890s. 21 The second Home Rule Bill's failure in 1893 side-lined the debate over Ireland's constitutional status. 22 As a result, the cultural sphere provided the most dynamic arena in which to articulate Irish values and demonstrate the vitality of national life. Rural co-operation provided the economic corollary to the new

in Civilising rural Ireland
Patrick Doyle

the margins of official agricultural policymaking and presented itself as an embattled movement under attack from powerful enemies at the DATI. Sensing the hand of political forces behind the direction of this new agricultural policy Æ used the Irish Homestead to attack the Nationalist Party at Westminster. In particular, Æ accused John Dillon of a ‘misrepresentation of facts’ when he spoke of Plunkett and the co-operative movement in Parliament. Æ criticised Dillon's narrow focus on constitutional politics at the expense of social and

in Civilising rural Ireland
Dimitris N. Chryssochoou, Michael J. Tsinisizelis, Stelios Stavridis, and Kostas Ifantis

, whose aim is ‘to track norms from “the social” to “the legal” . . . [and] trace the empirically observable process of norm construction and change . . . with a view to examining aspects of “European” constitutionalism [and citizenship practice]’.54 Their core set of conclusions is that EU constitutional politics as ‘day-to-day practices in the legal and political realm as well as the high dramas of IGCs and new Treaties’ is about ‘fundamental ordering principles which have a validity outwith the formal setting of the nation state’, that ‘norms may achieve strong

in Theory and reform in the European Union