2543Chap4 16/7/03 9:58 am Page 74 4 The Corporate Actor model The previous chapter demonstrated the striking differences in the climate strategies of ExxonMobil, the Shell Group and Statoil. While ExxonMobil has adopted a reactive strategy, Shell has chosen a proactive response, and Statoil has adopted a strategy representing a hybrid between these two positions. In this chapter we explore the explanatory power of the approach we have labelled the Corporate Actor (CA) model. To recapitulate our discussion from chapter 2, the CA model suggests that
causes and commercial interests, e.g. via corporate social responsibility (CSR), cause-branded products or philanthropy. 2 Critiques of the popular characteristically draw on various theoretical and analytical approaches, such as critical discourse analysis, Žižekian ideological critique and/or grounded critical analytics. 3 These analyses often echo critical approaches to popular culture in media
secure costumers’ loyalties ( Richey and Ponte, 2011 ; Tornhill, 2019 ). Female celebrities have also sought to use their visibility and fame to address the specific needs of women and girls in the global South and conflict zones, often locating their activism within notions of maternal care and cosmopolitanism ( Bergman Rosamond, 2016 , 2020a , 2020b ). Our focus on corporate and celebrity humanitarianism is thus intended to bridge and speak to strands of feminist
contribute to this conversation by highlighting how celebrity and corporate humanitarian initiatives focus attention on women and girls in ways that not only reproduce neoliberal individualist logic but also reproduce harmful gendered and racialised humanitarian saviour/saved logics. By turning their attention to success stories of female empowerment in the humanitarian sector, Gregoratti and Bergman Rosamond use postcolonial feminist analysis to reconsider unintended consequences of particular
at the turn of the century as ‘the new super brands’, has also shaped the treatment of this issue ( Wootliff and Deri, 2001 ). As INGOs are increasingly ‘super brands’, with global recognition and power, and budgets to match, it is unsurprising that their corporate instinct is to protect their ‘brand’ at all costs. This is compounded by the fact that INGOs gain their authority and agency not only through their perceived expertise – which might be very
Ethics , www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/library/corporate/ethics/UNDP%20CODE%20OF%20ETHICS%20-%202017%20version.pdf (accessed 30 August 2020 ). United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) ( 1999 ), Handbook for Emergencies , 2nd edition, www.unicef.org/emerg/files/UNHCR_handbook.pdf (accessed 30 August 2020
). Moreover, unlike autonomous direct action, which reached its peak in the late 1980s, humanitarian innovation sits comfortably with private partners and corporate sponsorship ( Zyck and Kent, 2014 ), a necessary recalibration given its dependence upon what can be called the computational turn – that is, since the 1990s, the seamless penetration of commercial information and communication technologies, software platforms, automating apps and screen interfaces into all aspects of personal, social, national and international life tout court
is increasing as private-sector companies are showing more interest in humanitarian innovation, motivated both by corporate social responsibility and because commercially valuable data is available in these settings ( CDAC Network, 2018 ). To avoid confusion or conflict, clear plans and commitments for sharing or not sharing successful innovations should be established from the outset. Conclusion
is that everybody depends solely on the Federation for sustenance and survival. Nigeria claims to operate federalism, but in fact it runs a unitary system of government. This has been part of the agitation for the review of the constitution. Whereas some people support the idea of having a sovereign national conference to address the constitutional issues that threaten the unity and corporate existence of the Federation, others do not. People from southern Nigeria strongly
Golf is a major global industry. It is played by more than 60 million people worldwide, and there are more than 32 000 courses in 140 countries across the globe. Golf is a sport that has traditionally appealed to the wealthy and powerful in particular, though it attracts players and spectators from a wide range of demographics. Golf has also received criticism regarding its impact on the environment, particularly when it comes to the appropriation of land for golf course development and the use of water and pesticides in course management. The golf industry has, over time, responded to these and other concerns by stressing its capacity for recognizing and dealing with environmental problems. Yet there are reasons to be sceptical about the golf industry's environmental leadership – and, indeed, to be sceptical about corporate environmentalism in general. This book looks at the power relationships in and around golf, examining whether the industry has demonstrated such leadership on environmental matters that it should be trusted to make weighty decisions that have implications for public and environmental health. This is the first comprehensive study of the varying responses to golf-related environmental issues. It is based on extensive empirical work, including research into historical materials and interviews with stakeholders in golf such as course superintendents, protesters, and health professionals. The authors examine golf as a sport and as a global industry, drawing on and contributing to literatures pertaining to environmental sociology, global social movements, institutional change, corporate environmentalism and the sociology of sport.