All political argument employs political concepts. They provide the building blocks needed to construct a case for or against a given political position. Justifications of oppression in the name of liberty are no mere products of the liberal imagination, for there are notorious historical examples of their endorsement by authoritarian political leaders. This book explores two approaches to rights: the interest-based (IB) approach, and the obligation-based or Kantian view. Both are shown to offer coherent justifications that can avoid turning all political concerns into a matter of rights. The concept of social justice emerged in both at the start of the twentieth century, and justified institutions for the democratic modification for market outcomes, on utilitarian, maximin or common good grounds. The book explores whether people do in fact have good and justifiable reasons for complying with laws that go beyond mere fear of punishment, and, if so, whether they are bound or obligated by those reasons to comply. It discusses national ties and how they are supposed to act as glue that holds the state together in the eyes of its citizens. The book also explores the link between the weakening of states and this change in criminal policies, and outlines their implications for individual rights. Theorists have used the idea of social exclusion to advocate an approach to social justice that sees increased labour-market participation as the key to equal to citizenship. The contemporary understandings of the public-private distinction and feminist critiques of these are also examined.
increasingly delegate the policing of public places to private security
firms. However, this thesis is too crude. In western democracies, the number
and categories of people considered outlaws and suitable for imprisonment
has risen at such a rate as to constitute a qualitative transformation of
criminalpolicies. Both governments and public opinion appear to believe
that current circumstances require a much broader
to problems once they had occurred,
it is now increasingly pre-active, defining problems in advance and clamping down on any hints of abnormality. The nakedness of this strategy has
been most in evidence in the case of asylum seekers and refugees, the
internationally homeless, for whom any distinction between social and
criminalpolicy has long become meaningless and when the histories
of New Labour are written, their treatment of asylum seekers may well
prove to be their greatest shame.
What all of this means is that we do not return to the workhouse of the
correct, but because the mediation of criminalpolicy transforms prediction into fact.
Police models, drug laws and the criminalisation of poverty
The steep increase in Brazil’s prison population since 2003, its marked social profile and racial background, and the perverse choice of crimes that are particularly targeted are due to social and economic issues, and profound inequality and structural racism. However, although this is frequently forgotten, they are also due to the inheritance of an institutional and organisational public security structure left over
A discourse view on the European Community and the abolition of border controls in the second half of the 1980s
1993. ‘Where Does Politics Meet Practice in Establishing
Europol?’, European Journal on CriminalPolicy and Research
Zaiotti, R., 2011. Cultures of
Border Control: Schengen and the Evolution of European Frontiers ,
Chicago, IL/London: University of Chicago Press.
Riemer 1943 , pp. 297f.
Kinberg, Inghe, and Riemer 1943 , pp. 337–49.
Häthén 1990 , p. 221; Bergenheim 1998 , pp. 127–31. The trend within criminalpolicy that emphasised the importance of a criminal's predispositions in combination with his or her social environment