This book is an attempt to take stock of how some of the British Labour Party's leading interpreters have analysed their subject, deriving as they do from contrasting political, theoretical, disciplinary and methodological backgrounds. It explores their often-hidden assumptions and subjects them to critical evaluation. The book outlines five strategies such as materialist; ideational; electoral; institutional; and synthetic strategies. Materialist, ideational and electoral explanatory strategies account for Labour's ideological trajectory in factors exogenous to the party. The 'new political history' is useful in understanding Labour within a less reductive framework than either the 'high' or 'from below' approaches and in more novel terms than the Left-Right positions adopted within Labour. The book assesses the contribution made to analysis of the Labour Party and labour history by thinkers of the British New Left. New Left critiques of labourism in fact represented and continued a strand of Marxist thinking on the party that can be traced back to its inception. If Ralph Miliband's role in relation to 'Bennism' is considered in comparison to his earlier attitudes, some striking points emerge about the interaction between the analytical and subjective aspects in his interpretive framework. Miliband tried to suggest that the downfall of communism was advantageous for the Left, given the extent to which the Soviet regimes had long embarrassed Western socialists such as himself. The Nairn-Anderson theses represented an ambitious attempt to pioneer a distinctive analysis of British capitalist development, its state, society and class structure.
with economic matters highlights their
mutually instituted nature in market capitalism.
The second chapter, by Andrew Sayer, provides a criticalevaluation of the
idea of the market as the definitive form of co-ordination and of the socially
embedded nature of market processes. Sayer draws attention, first, to the
multiple uses of the word ‘market’ and to the difference between the market
in general and markets in particular. The inclusiveness of the market definition determines the scope of what is to be explained and how. As an exemplar, Sayer addresses the
Mobilising the concept of strategic culture, this study develops a framework for understanding developments in German security policy between 1990 and 2003. Germany's contemporary security policies are characterised by a peculiar mix of continuity and change. From abstention in the first Gulf war, to early peacekeeping missions in Bosnia in the early 1990s and a full combat role in Kosovo in 1999, the pace of change in German security policy since the end of the Cold War has been breathtaking. The extent of this change has recently, however, been questioned, as seen most vividly in Berlin's response to ‘9/11’ and its subsequent stalwart opposition to the US-led war on terrorism in Iraq in 2003. Beginning with a consideration of the notion of strategic culture, the study refines and adapts the concept to the case of Germany through a consideration of aspects of the rearmament of West Germany. It then critically evaluates the transformation of the role of the Bundeswehr up to and including the war on terrorism, together with Germany's troubled efforts to enact defence reforms, as well as the complex politics surrounding the policy of conscription. By focusing on both the ‘domestics’ of security policy decision making as well as the changing and often contradictory expectations of Germany's allies, this book provides a comprehensive analysis of the role played by Germany's particular strategic culture in shaping policy choices. It concludes by pointing to the vibrancy of Germany's strategic culture.
This chapter critically evaluates characterisations of the EDL as ‘Islamophobic’. It outlines debates about how we might define and measure ‘Islamophobia’, focusing on the question of whether Islamophobia is a new, and distinct, phenomenon or consists primarily in anti-Muslim attitudes, which are adequately understood within the existing notion of cultural racism. It provides a detailed exploration of the nature and content of perceptions of, and attitudes towards, Islam among EDL activists and shows how Islam is singled out as a ‘problem’ in a way that other aspects of multicultural society are not. In order to sustain claims to non-racism, therefore, a strategic distinction between Islam and Muslims is drawn; the object of hostility, it is claimed, is Islamic doctrine or teachings not its followers as individuals or racialised groups. However, being anti-Islam does not exclude being anti-Muslim also. Drawing on observational evidence as well as interviews, the chapter demonstrates considerable slippage in distinctions between Islam and Muslims as the object of hostility as well as, especially in the context of demonstrations, the use of generalised terms of abuse towards Muslims.
John Callaghan, Steven Fielding and Steve Ludlam
Interpreting the Labour Party is an attempt to take stock of how some of the British
Labour Party’s leading interpreters have analysed their subject, deriving as they do
from contrasting political, theoretical, disciplinary and methodological backgrounds. The book explores their often-hidden assumptions and subjects them to
criticalevaluation. In introducing this collection, we position the various chapters
within a wider context and draw out some of their
some uncertainty around the data informing an economic evaluation. Estimates of costs
and benefits may differ across populations and healthcare providers. Plotting the cost-utility
results produced with different estimates of costs and effects can help to judge whether or
not an intervention is, on balance, likely to be cost-effective. In a similar vein, it is important
that economic evaluations are criticallyevaluated to ensure that they are robust and relevant
to decision makers. Like trials, economic evaluations can be prone to bias and this can raise
Challenges and technological solutions to the identification of individuals in mass grave scenarios in the modern context
Gillian Fowler and Tim Thompson
and practice amidst politics and egos’, in R. Ferllini (ed.), Forensic
Archaeology and Human Rights Violations (Springfield, IL: Charles C.
Thomas Publisher, 2007), pp. 148–69.
M. Djuric, D. Dunjic, D. Djonic & M. Skinner, ‘Identification of victims
from two mass-graves in Serbia: a criticalevaluation of classical markers
of identity’, Forensic Science International, 172 (2007), 125–9.
Ferrandiz, ‘Exhuming the defeated’.
Baraybar, ‘When DNA is not available’.
Ferrandiz, ‘Exhuming the defeated’; A. M. Gómez López & A. Patiño
Umaña, ‘Who is missing? Problems in the
redolent of the labourism that Nairn
claimed was so influential in shaping Labour politics.
This chapter has outlined Tom Nairn and Perry Anderson’s account of Labour
Party politics. It has proved to be immensely influential over the last forty years.
Their polemical dismissal of the party has become an important part of the discourse by which Labour’s failings as a reformist project are frequently and criticallyevaluated. To give just one example, in his best-selling The State We’re In, Will
could have other meanings and purposes, to
do for example with friendship and social life. But if someone attends rituals
of worship only for these non-religious reasons, I would question whether
what they are doing is in fact worship.
This version of the centrality principle is suggested by Nancy Rosenblum in her
discussion of the Supreme Court’s arguments in Amos. See ‘Amos’, pp. 174–6.
See B. Bagni, ‘Discrimination in the name of the Lord: a criticalevaluation of
discrimination by religious organizations’, Columbia Law Review, 79 (1979)
Simpson v. Wells
. Paradoxically, both this very efficiency and
consensual decision-making may have harmed instead of strengthened trust in the
authorities’ ability to face future pandemics.
In their media analysis, Ghersetti and Odén discuss the
lack of criticalevaluation by the Swedish media during and after the
there were critical voices, notably in one of the major newspapers, their