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Editors: Stan Metcalfe and Alan Warde

There has been increasing interest and debate in recent years on the instituted nature of economic processes in general and the related ideas of the market and the competitive process in particular. This debate lies at the interface between two largely independent disciplines, economics and sociology, and reflects an attempt to bring the two fields of discourse more closely together. This book explores this interface in a number of ways, looking at the competitive process and market relations from a number of different perspectives. It considers the social role of economic institutions in society and examines the various meanings embedded in the word 'markets', as well as developing arguments on the nature of competition as an instituted economic process. The close of the twentieth century saw a virtual canonisation of markets as the best, indeed the only really effective, way to govern an economic system. The market organisation being canonised was simple and pure, along the lines of the standard textbook model in economics. The book discusses the concepts of polysemy , idealism, cognition, materiality and cultural economy. Michael Best provides an account of regional economic adaptation to changed market circumstances. This is the story of the dynamics of capitalism focused on the resurgence of the Route 128 region around Boston following its decline in the mid-1980s in the face of competition from Silicon Valley. The book also addresses the question of how this resurgence was achieved.

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Governing Precarity through Adaptive Design

Death of Neoliberalism or the Triumph of Hayek? ’, Journal of Cultural Economy , 4 : 4 , 371 – 85 . Corlett , A. ( 2017 ), As Time Goes By: Shifting Incomes and Inequality between and within Generations ( London : Intergenerational Commission ). Cornia , G. A. ( 1987 ), ‘ Economic Decline and Human Welfare in the First Half of the 1980s ’, in Cornia , G. A. , Jolly , R. and Stewart , F. (eds), Adjustment with a Human Face: Volume 1 ( Oxford : Clarendon Press ), pp. 11 – 47

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Constituting the cultural economy

6 Between markets, firms and networks: constituting the cultural economy Fran Tonkiss Introduction Cultural and creative sectors have come to represent key areas of growth within a number of regional and national economies, and figure prominently within arguments regarding the increasingly ‘cultural’ character of economic processes and the restructuring of market forms. An emergent cultural economy is also of critical interest for institutional analysis, and for a number of reasons. Firstly, such an analysis addresses very clearly the need to take culture

in Market relations and the competitive process
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issue, that of the distinctiveness of the operations of ‘cultural industries’. She addresses the debate about whether we currently can be said to have a ‘cultural economy’ with newer principles of operation than those of an older industrial economy. Finding it hard to understand the producers in terms of the products being sold, she argues that attention should be paid instead to the role of specialised knowledge involved in the framing of goods to be sold in cultural markets. Distinctive firms, labour contracts and mixed forms of governance imply a definition of the

in Market relations and the competitive process

granted and because it has become acknowledged as the basis of more effective market behaviour. As a result, corporate intervention in these processes has become more reflexive, more rationalised and more institutionalised within corporate structures and divisions of labour. The conclusion of this kind of analysis is quite simply that we do not live in a ‘more culturaleconomy, or a society of the sign, or an enculturated economy but that we do live in a world that has opened up the black box of the social object, institutionalising and rendering reflexive processes

in Market relations and the competitive process
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://docplayer.net/5866972-Center-for-urban-­ science-progress-the-promise-of-urban-informatics.html (accessed 1 August 2015). Kurgan, L. (2013) Close Up at a Distance: Mapping, Technology and Politics. New York: Zone Books. Law, J. and Mol, A. (2001) Situating technoscience: An inquiry into spatialities. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 19(5): pp. 609–621. Law, J. and Ruppert, E. (2013) The social life of methods: Devices. Journal of Cultural Economy, 6(3): pp. 229–240. Marres, N. (2012) On some uses and abuses of topology in the social analysis of technology (or the

in Time for mapping
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, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Lie, J. (1997), ‘Sociology of markets’, Annual Review of Sociology, 23, pp. 241–60. Loasby, B. (1999), Knowledge, Institutions and Evolution in Economics, London, Routledge. Marshall, A. (1919), Industry and Trade, London, Macmillan. Marshall, T. H. (1950), Citizenship and Social Class: And Other Essays, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Miller, D. (2002), ‘Some things are virtual (but not the internet)’, in DuGay, P. and Pryke, M. (eds), Cultural Economy: Cultural Analysis and Commercial Life, London, Sage. Nelson, R. and

in Market relations and the competitive process
Considerations and consequences

either ­location or distance, as opposed to a map that is primarily grounded in a representation of physical space and the objects contained within it. 3 Plato is arguably the originator of this kind of thinking. In the Protagoras he equates the movement of water with the slipperiness of sophistry, counselling the titular character (one of the first sophists) to avoid sailing out into the open sea of false speeches and misleading rhetoric. References Appadurai, A. (1990) Disjuncture and difference in the global cultural economy. Theory, Culture and Society, 7: pp

in Time for mapping
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Desbarats et al . (eds), Atom Egoyan , p. 96. 25 Virilio, ‘Video’, p. 114. 26 Arjun Appadurai, ‘Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy’, in Bruce Robbins (ed.), The Phantom Public Sphere (Minneapolis: University of

in Memory and popular film
Missing persons and colonial skeletons in South Africa

transported migrant bodies to rural homesteads, as well as scripting funerals. Under their direction, and as access to refrigeration removed the need for haste, funerals became far larger and more important occasions, thereby ‘[inventing] a new cultural economy of burial in which … the bodies of their dead [were lavished] with resources unavailable to the bodies of the living’,28 signalling a politics of the everyday. From the mid-1970s onwards, as youth politics exploded on the scene, funerals were rescripted and came to constitute an important 182   Nicky Rousseau

in Human remains and identification