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Labour and cultural change
Author: Steven Fielding

This book is the first in the new series The Labour Governments 1964–70 and concentrates on Britain's domestic policy during Harold Wilson's tenure as Prime Minister. It deals, in particular, with how the Labour government and Labour party as a whole tried to come to terms with the 1960's cultural revolution. The book is grounded in original research, takes account of responses from Labour's grass roots and from Wilson's ministerial colleagues, and constructs a total history of the party at this critical moment in history. It situates Labour in its wider cultural context and focuses on how the party approached issues such as the apparent transformation of the class structure, the changing place of women in society, rising immigration, the widening generation gap, and increasing calls for direct participation in politics. Together with the other volumes in the series, on international policy and economic policy, the book provides an insight into the development of Britain under Harold Wilson's government.

Open Access (free)
The Algerian war and the ‘emancipation’ of Muslim women, 1954–62
Author: Neil Macmaster

In May 1958, and four years into the Algerian War of Independence, a revolt again appropriated the revolutionary and republican symbolism of the French Revolution by seizing power through a Committee of Public Safety. This book explores why a repressive colonial system that had for over a century maintained the material and intellectual backwardness of Algerian women now turned to an extensive programme of 'emancipation'. After a brief background sketch of the situation of Algerian women during the post-war decade, it discusses the various factors contributed to the emergence of the first significant women's organisations in the main urban centres. It was only after the outbreak of the rebellion in 1954 and the arrival of many hundreds of wives of army officers that the model of female interventionism became dramatically activated. The French military intervention in Algeria during 1954-1962 derived its force from the Orientalist current in European colonialism and also seemed to foreshadow the revival of global Islamophobia after 1979 and the eventual moves to 'liberate' Muslim societies by US-led neo-imperialism in Afghanistan and Iraq. For the women of Bordj Okhriss, as throughout Algeria, the French army represented a dangerous and powerful force associated with mass destruction, brutality and rape. The central contradiction facing the mobile socio-medical teams teams was how to gain the trust of Algerian women and to bring them social progress and emancipation when they themselves were part of an army that had destroyed their villages and driven them into refugee camps.

Open Access (free)
The tales destruction tells
Élisabeth Anstett and Jean-Marc Dreyfus

Cultural Revolution that drifted to Hong Kong.10 What different kinds of status are therefore conferred upon these remains? What uses are made of them? What do these practices of destruction tell us about the societies affected by mass violence? That first conference focused on ‘destruction’. While it has fallen to historians to document the precise historical and geographical contexts within which different methods of destruction have been employed and to examine their respective implications, legal scholars have concentrated on the charges relating to the destruction

in Destruction and human remains
M. Anne Brown

. Those elements of the leadership which gathered the forces to crush the demonstrators referred to the protest as a counter-revolutionary rebellion, led by a small clique of ‘beaters, looters, smashers and burners’ (a reference to the violence of the Cultural Revolution) and backed by insidious forces in the West. They became the ‘enemy’. Within Chinese constructions of rights, those who are deemed enemies of the state forfeit citizenship – since citizenship exists only by virtue of the state – and so are without rights. ‘The People’s Liberation Army … serves the

in Human rights and the borders of suffering
Open Access (free)
Cultural and political change in 1960s Britain
Steven Fielding

1 Introduction. Cultural and political change in 1960s Britain If they are to prosper, political parties must successfully engage with change. For the British Labour Party during the 1960s, this imperative seemed especially acute because, like other advanced capitalist societies, the country underwent what has been described as a ‘cultural revolution’. The viability of what many took to be immutable identities and divisions based on class, gender, generation and ethnicity was widely questioned; in addition, the relationship between individuals and political

in The Labour Governments 1964–70 volume 1
A party in crisis?
Ian Taylor MP

candidates. A Cultural Unit was established inside Central Office to build bridges with ethnic communities. Hague himself admitted that what he was seeking was ‘nothing short of a cultural revolution in the way this party conducts itself ’.12 It was ambitious but it was right. Dr Jekyll and Mr Hague It is now painfully obvious that this ‘cultural revolution’ may not have been as destructive as Chairman Mao’s but it was no more successful in advancing reform. Of course, the structural changes needed to create a modern, integrated party were carried through. But despite

in The Conservatives in Crisis
Discourses, contestation and alternative consumption
Roberta Sassatelli

identify a bunch of heterogeneous practices and discourses, stretching across the developed world. These consumer practices and consumption discourses herald a critique of (some forms of) consumption and propose alternative lifestyles. Their supporters chap 8 13/8/04 182 4:24 pm Page 182 Qualities of food may be right in saying that we can take them as indicators of a quiet, slow cultural revolution which has to do with the fears about capitalist industrial methods of food production. Certainly, alternative food consumption is an important locus for

in Qualities of food
The Albanian mafia
Xavier Raufer

survived twenty years of fascism. The Chinese Triads have resisted fifty years of communism, ten of which were the ‘Cultural Revolution’ that claimed 30 million victims. Is the Albanian–Kosovan–western Macedonian agglomeration a ‘mafia’ in the strict sense of the word? Taking strict definitions let us see if the proven facts in our possession confirm the diagnosis or not. A real mafia? The circumstances of its appearance Several visible signs show that Albanian crime has attained a high degree of organisation and sophistication. If this stage in itself is not enough for one

in Potentials of disorder
Open Access (free)
Shaun Breslin

force for conservatism. On one level, many workers, particularly from the state-owned sector, resent the fact that marketization has resulted in loss of jobs and the concomitant reduction of welfare provision. What many of them want is the certainty and basic standards of welfare associated with the old – not a return to the harsh days of the Cultural Revolution, but instead to a time after Mao when market reforms had been introduced, but their harsh impact on unprofitable producers had yet to become apparent. This seems far preferable to the uncertainty that the new

in Democratization through the looking-glass
Christine E. Hallett

abdication of the Tsar and several months after the Bolsheviks had seized power’.49 She conveys a sense that, even as her personal life is taking a new and satisfying course, the life of her nation is gradually being strangled by the Bolshevik Revolution, the decline into civil war, and the New Economic Policy.50 At the end of the 1920s, Stalin’s ‘revolution from above’, incorporating the collectivisation of agriculture, the industrial drive of the first Five Year Plan, and the ‘Cultural Revolution’ 223 Volunteer girls directed against the old intelligentsia, swept away

in Nurse Writers of the Great War