Magdalena Figueredo and Fabiana Larrobla

Between 1975 and 1979, thirty-one unidentified bodies bearing marks of torture appeared at various locations along Uruguays coastline. These bodies were material proof of the death flights implemented in neighbouring Argentina after the military coup. In Uruguay, in a general context of political crisis, the appearance of these anonymous cadavers first generated local terror and was then rapidly transformed into a traumatic event at the national level. This article focuses on the various reports established by Uruguayan police and mortuary services. It aims to show how,the administrative and funeral treatments given at that time to the dead bodies, buried anonymously (under the NN label) in local cemeteries, make visible some of the multiple complicities between the Uruguayan and Argentinean dictatorships in the broader framework of the Condor Plan. The repressive strategy implemented in Argentina through torture and forced disappearance was indeed echoed by the bureaucratic repressive strategy implemented in Uruguay through incomplete and false reports, aiming to make the NN disappear once again.

Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal
Embodying the disappeared of the Argentinian dictatorship through law
Sévane Garibian

admission of his active partici­pation in the ‘death flights’ for the first time.18 This sent an electric shock through Argentinian civil society and marked the start of new claims by the families of the disappeared, demanding resumption of investigations by the state to discover the fate of the victims. The main aim of the families then was to counter the juridical lock maintained by the amnesty laws still in force at the time, by launching a new kind of action for the right to the truth – just emerging from the (very committed) jurisprudence of the ­Inter-American Court

in Human remains and mass violence
Open Access (free)
The tales destruction tells
Élisabeth Anstett and Jean-Marc Dreyfus

’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs) in Moscow in 1926, before the development of the ovens commissioned for Auschwitz-Birkenau in 1943,16 or the death flights developed in the Bay of Algiers during the Algerian War of Independence and adopted by the Argentine military during the dictatorship as one of the safest ways to dispose of the bodies of political opponents. In light of the complexity of the process of producing mass death, the concepts of hygienic biopolitics and the immunization of the body politic, as defined by Robert Esposito, may be of more help than the simple

in Destruction and human remains
José López Mazz

events of each point in the conflict. As a result of dozens of bodies of disappeared detainees from ‘death flights’ washing up on Uruguayan beaches in 1974, the dictatorship was forced to deal with dozens of bodies that had resisted being definitively disappeared. This situation led to a new form of concealment: anonymously depositing bodies in cemeteries under the classic label of ‘unidentified’. This method was used both on bodies coming from the sea and also for others that had been subjected to different acts of violence. This episode of bodies of disappeared

in Human remains and identification
Integrative concepts for a criminology of mass violence
Jon Shute

example, it is notable that the methods of corpse disposal outlined in Nunca más, the 1984 report from the National Commission on the Disappearance of Persons (Comisión Nacional sobre la Desaparición de Personas, or CONADEP),46 seem closely related to the institutional habits and practices of the perpetrators. For example, staged shootings can be seen as extensions of the corrupt police practices of faking evidence, and the ‘death flights’ a relatively routine extension of the Navy’s normal habits of transporting cargo over water. While such practices no doubt also

in Human remains and mass violence
The violent pursuit of cultural sovereignty during authoritarian rule in Argentina
Antonius C.G.M. Robben

military used the term ‘Transfer’ as a euphemism for death. It was the same term used in Argentine cemeteries to indicate the transfer of human remains from one grave or one cemetery to another. No date of death was added to the inscription, as if the condemned captive had already been killed administratively and the actual assassination was a matter of routine. Condemned captives were taken to the Little Hood (la Capuchita) in the ESMA’s attic. Fifteen to twenty cubicles were available for captives before they were taken down to the Basement for a death flight. The

in Governing the dead
Towards atypology of the treatment of corpses of ‘disappeared detainees’ in Argentinafrom 1975 to 1983
Mario Ranalletti

form of a ‘court-martial’.62 d. In addition, there are recorded cases of bodies being left in the street, which were then collected by the police as a result of complaints being made by local residents.63 2. Throwing corpses or people still alive into the sea or waterways64 from aeroplanes or helicopters. CONADEP’s report identified the existence of these ‘death flights’ from the army’s Campo de Mayo base65 and the School of Naval Mechanics.66 This method, according to the EAAF’s work on identifying bodies, took place later, in 1978, than the phase of mass violence

in Destruction and human remains