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Author: Cameron Ross

Building on earlier work, this text combines theoretical perspectives with empirical work, to provide a comparative analysis of the electoral systems, party systems and governmental systems in the ethnic republics and regions of Russia. It also assesses the impact of these different institutional arrangements on democratization and federalism, moving the focus of research from the national level to the vitally important processes of institution building and democratization at the local level and to the study of federalism in Russia.

Open Access (free)
Tony Fitzpatrick

This chapter brings together the principles of attention and distributive justice and argues for a welfare democracy. It explains that welfare democracy is a system of deliberative democracy within which discursive debate occupies a much greater role in the operation of welfare services and it represents an egalitarian alternative to conservatism. This chapter concludes that both associative and deliberative approaches to democracy are essential to a new politics of equality.

in After the new social democracy
An Interview with Celso Amorim, Former Brazilian Foreign Minister
Juliano Fiori

approached human rights – to do with our good relations with Iran, for example. There was a tension, but I don’t think there was an ontological contradiction. I think it is possible to work for a more democratic order – diffusing power, creating a more stable balance of power – while strengthening and democratising certain value systems. Doing so in a cooperative way, too. People might say it was just Brazil trying to extend its power and join the [UN] Security Council. But, in projecting soft power, I believe we were also promoting positive things: South

Journal of Humanitarian Affairs
Open Access (free)
Cameron Ross

FAD1 10/17/2002 5:40 PM Page 1 1 Introduction Democracy and democratisation Since the early 1970s a ‘third wave’ of democratisation has swept the world. In the period 1972–94 the number of democratic political systems doubled from 44 to 107. And by the mid-1990s 58 per cent of the world’s states had adopted democratic governments.1 These momentous developments have led political scientists to re-examine the theoretical literature on democratisation, and to compare the current transitions in the post-communist bloc with earlier transitions in Latin America

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Core historical concepts reconsidered
Adrian Zimmermann

against neo-liberalism will only have a limited effect if labour does not succeed in breaking the mega-trend towards ‘more capitalism’, which is at the root of the neo-liberal project. Studying the history of socialist and democratic theories is an important precondition for articulating and popularising these theories in contemporary politics. This chapter therefore takes a historical approach. It evaluates some of the more important projects of economic and industrial democratisation in the past. Its focus is on projects in highly developed capitalist states with a

in In search of social democracy
Cameron Ross

stress the negative side, federalism is the problem rather than the solution, particularly in multinational states where ethnic boundaries coincide with boundaries of the federal subjects. Federalism, according to this scenario, is much more likely to intensify the nationalist grievances it is supposed to ameliorate. As Smith notes: FAD4 10/17/2002 54 5:43 PM Page 54 Federalism and democratisation in Russia Federalism provides incentives for structuring group/class conflicts along territorial lines, [and] when the territories in question are spatial surrogates of

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Open Access (free)
Cameron Ross

Page 138 Federalism and democratisation in Russia whom they were supposed to be controlling. Moreover, governors in many regions captured control over the appointment of the representatives. In some cases bilateral treaties actually gave the governors the right to appoint their own presidential representatives or to approve presidential nominees. Indeed, in some cases presidential representatives were actually high ranking members of regional elites. Thus, for example, in Stavropol¢ Krai we had the absurd sitation whereby the presidential representative

in Federalism and democratisation in Russia
Democratisation, nationalism and security in former Yugoslavia
Paul Latawski and Martin A. Smith

at peace-building in the former Yugoslavia 2 by focusing on the challenges to efforts to bring lasting stability posed by democratisation, ethnic nationalism and the promotion of security. NATO’s peace-building roles in Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia The deployment of the NATO IFOR to Bosnia in 1995 in the wake of the Dayton agreement and associated UNSC Resolutions marked the beginning of the Alliance

in The Kosovo crisis and the evolution of post-Cold War European security
Open Access (free)
Peter Burnell

for the purpose of ‘integrating data drawn from both national and systemic levels of analysis’. The situation Remmer described then has not changed greatly, notwithstanding a welcome increase of attention to the international dimensions of democratization. Mair (1996: 317) noted the ‘now virtual absence of comparative analyses with a global, or even cross-regional ambition’. More recently still it has been said ‘democratisation studies would greatly profit from expanding its disciplinary and geographical constraints’ (Kopecy´ and Mudde 2000: 517). This chapter

in Democratization through the looking-glass

The conflict in Kosovo represents a significant watershed in post-Cold War international security. Interpreting its political and operational significance should reveal important clues for understanding international security in the new millennium. This text analyses the international response to the crisis in Kosovo and its broader implications, by examining its diplomatic, military and humanitarian features. Despite the widely held perception that the conflict in Kosovo has implications for international security, unravelling them can be challenging, as it remains an event replete with paradoxes. There are many such paradoxes. The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) entered into the conflict ostensibly to head off a humanitarian catastrophe, only to accelerate the catastrophe by engaging in a bombing campaign; the political aims of all the major players contradicted the military means chosen by them in the conflict. The Russian role in the diplomatic efforts demonstrated that NATO did not want Russia to be involved but in the end needed its involvement. Russia opposed the bombing campaign but ultimately did not have enough power or influence to rise above a role as NATO's messenger; the doctrinal hurdles to achieving ‘immaculate coercion’ by use of air power alone seemed to tumble in the face of apparent success; it is ultimately unclear how or why NATO succeeded.