In this chapter I want to explore,
within a context of culture and power, the complex relations between
memory and desire. 1 More
specifically, I want to connect 1980s Hollywood representations of
America’s war in Vietnam (what I will call
‘Hollywood’s Vietnam’) with George Bush’s
campaign, in late 1990 and early 1991, to win support for US involvement
This article considers how the reburial and commemoration of the human remains of the
Republican defeated during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39) is affected by the social,
scientific and political context in which the exhumations occur. Focusing on a particular
case in the southwestern region of Extremadura, it considers how civil society groups
administer reburial acts when a positive identification through DNA typing cannot be
attained. In so doing, the article examines how disparate desires and memories come
together in collective reburial of partially individuated human remains.
Adrien Douchet, Taline Garibian, and Benoît Pouget
The aim of this article is to shed light on the conditions under which the funerary management of human remains was carried out by the French authorities during the early years of the First World War. It seeks to understand how the urgent need to clear the battlefield as quickly as possible came into conflict with the aspiration to give all deceased an individualised, or at the very least dignified, burial. Old military funerary practices were overturned and reconfigured to incorporate an ideal that sought the individual identification of citizen soldiers. The years 1914–15 were thus profoundly marked by a clash between the pragmatism of public health authorities obsessed with hygiene, the infancy of emerging forensic science, the aching desire of the nation to see its children buried individually and various political and military imperatives related to the conduct of the war.
A Session at the 2019 American Studies Association Conference
Magdalena J. Zaborowska, Nicholas F. Radel, Nigel Hatton, and Ernest L. Gibson III
“Rebranding James Baldwin and His Queer Others” was a session held
at the annual meeting of the American Studies Association in November 2019 in
Honolulu, Hawaii. The papers gathered here show how Baldwin’s writings
and life story participate in dialogues with other authors and artists who probe
issues of identity and identification, as well as with other types of texts and
non-American stories, boldly addressing theoretical and political perspectives
different from his own. Nick Radel’s temporal challenge to reading novels
on homoerotic male desire asks of us a leap of faith, one that makes it possible
to read race as not necessarily a synonym for “Black,” but as a
powerful historical and sexual trope that resists “over-easy”
binaries of Western masculinity. Ernest L. Gibson’s engagement with
Beauford Delaney’s brilliant art and the ways in which it enabled the
teenage Baldwin’s “dark rapture” of self-discovery as a
writer reminds us that “something [has been missing] in our discussions
of male relationships.” Finally, Nigel Hatton suggests “a
relationship among Baldwin, Denmark, and Giovanni’s Room
that adds another thread to the important scholarship on his groundbreaking work
of fiction that has impacted African-American literature, Cold War studies,
transnational American studies, feminist thought, and queer theory.” All
three essays enlarge our assessment of Baldwin’s contribution to
understanding the ways gender and sexuality always inflect racialized Western
masculinities. Thus, they help us work to better gauge the extent of
Baldwin’s influence right here and right now.
ecological degradation who should be most deserving of our respect and attention.
Violence Comes Easily to Humans
A picture of impending dystopian realism is part of the contemporary reckoning 4 . Collapse, anarchy, violence – the surest signs the explosive potential was always there. We might make a crude point here and say that if our basic level instinct is survivalist, and this in turn has shaped the prevailing account of politics as a means to protect life from its unmediated desires, then every human has a violent impulse deeply woven into consciousness and
44 – 62 , doi: 10.1080/14616742.2011.534661 .
( 2020 ), ‘ Humanitarian Masculinity,
Desire, Character and Heroics ’, in E.
Gendering Global Humanitarianism in the Twentieth Century Practice
Architecture, Building and Humanitarian Innovation
-to-earth living standards
to interpreting and fulfilling human desires’ ( Aravena, 2016 : 3–4). It was the last week before the
Biennale closed for the season, and I had, over the previous summer, read a great
deal of enthusiastic commentary on the event and its explicitly humanitarian
intentions. I was keen to see the exhibits, especially given my long-running
scepticism about the ability of architects to play a useful role in humanitarianism.
However, after walking through the many
’, because they were motivated not primarily by a desire to kill Tutsi but by a desire to be fully part of the group that was taking part in the killing ( Fujii, 2009 ).
Based on interviews with dozens of confessed killers, Scott Straus also challenges the idea that hatred drove the genocide. In The Order of Genocide , Straus argues that fear was the primary factor motivating people to join in the killing. The government organising the genocide controlled access to information and claimed that the RPF was killing all Hutu it encountered and that Tutsi within Rwanda were
Uses and Misuses of International Humanitarian Law and Humanitarian
existing texts aimed at
limiting the violence against the populations of Confederate states. Lieber
acknowledged civilians in the war while explicitly denying them political
recognition. In contrast, civilians caught up in international conflicts subject to
the Geneva Conventions were ignored until 1949. While the codification of armed
conflict, whether international or domestic, was inspired by a desire to limit the
violence, it gave the generals – not surprisingly – the
sociologist Mark Turner, ‘politics is potentially a part of any
kidnapping, whatever the motivation of the kidnappers and even if they desire to
keep politics out’ ( Turner,
1998 : 145–60).
As a result, discussing abductions publicly does not automatically single out a
humanitarian organisation as a special target but rather as a
‘sensitive’ one – not to mention that by breaking their
code of silence, these organisations could better